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Getting Ahead of the Curve on Anti-Racism Amongst Migrants for Immigration Reform by Paul Presendieu

Five of the five countries that send the most undocumented residents to New York have documented records of anti-Black racism. No immigration reform plan accounts for what that means for Black communities here.

Every immigration reform debate in this country asks the same questions. Who gets status? Who gets work permits? How long is the wait?

One question is never on the list: what did people learn about Black people before they got here?

It is an uncomfortable question, and it is easy to ask badly. But the record behind it is not opinion. United Nations experts, national governments, and regional economists have documented anti-Black racism across the Latin American countries that send the most people to New York. U.S. researchers have found that those attitudes do not always stay behind.

Black New Yorkers are still pressing claims that date to the colonial era, on housing, wealth, policing and schools. A reform that adds neighbors without adding understanding leaves both communities to work it out alone.

Who is here

During the Biden Administration, New York was home to an estimated 836,000 undocumented residents, according to the Migration Policy Institute’s 2023 figures. Two in three spoke Spanish at home. Five countries account for about half of the total.

Country of birthUndocumented New YorkersShareDocumented record on anti-Black racism
Mexico135,00016%In a 2022 national survey, 24.3% of adults would not rent a room to an Afro-descendant person
Ecuador89,00011%Discrimination in jobs, schools, housing, and media coverage
Guatemala71,0008%Afro-descendant peoples lack legal recognition; discrimination cases are misclassified
Dominican Republic70,0008%Profiling of darker-skinned people; a 2013 ruling stripped citizenship from tens of thousands of Haitian descent
El Salvador68,0008%The United Nations Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination explicitly raised concerns about the conditions of Afro-descendant Salvadorans

The newest arrivals follow the same map. Of the roughly 107,000 asylum-seekers who reached New York City between spring 2022 and July 2023, 41% came from Venezuela, 18% from Ecuador and 13% from Colombia, City Hall data showed.

One caution belongs here. These are not all newcomers. MPI estimates that 42% of undocumented New Yorkers have lived in the United States for 20 years or more.

What people grew up with

About 134 million people of African descent live in Latin America, roughly 21% of the region, by the count of the UN’s Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean. The commission calls racial inequality a structural feature of those societies, visible in poverty, schooling, jobs, and exposure to violence.

The details differ by country.

In Mexico, the government’s own 2022 discrimination survey found that 26.4% of adults had little or no desire to see an Afro-descendant person elected president. Mexico did not recognize Afro-Mexicans in its constitution until 2019.

In Colombia, a UN working group visited for ten days in May 2024 and described centuries of systemic and institutional racism. It cited state neglect, displacement, and land loss in Afro-Colombian communities.

In the Dominican Republic, the U.S. State Department’s 2023 human rights report documented discrimination by security forces against darker-skinned people, especially Haitians and Dominicans of Haitian descent.

In Honduras, Garifuna communities face eviction threats on ancestral land. In Ecuador, the State Department reported a news outlet portraying an Afro-Ecuadorian schoolboy as a suspected criminal as he walked home. In Venezuela, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights said public data on Afro-descendant people was lacking.

The common thread is silence. Many of these nations long taught that racial mixture had dissolved racism. A child can finish school there without one honest lesson on slavery’s afterlife at home.

I recall when Paraguayan Senator Celeste Amarilla labeled racist remarks to Black French Soccer Team Captain, Kylian Mbappe, during the 2026 World Cup, saying, “The brute didn’t even learn to write; instead of mother’s milk, he sucked on coconuts, and the most educated thing he heard was chimpanzees.” Many members of the Hispanic and Latino Community rallied to her cause online, similar to how we see white supremacists execute digital organizing in the United States of America. Despite statements condemning Senator Celeste Amarilla from the United Nations Human Rights Commission, the President of Paraguay, the President of France, and the Paraguay Senate through a formal vote, people still rallied to her side while she refused to immediately issue an apology during the World Cup.

Senator Amarilla shared that she comes from a generation when “gays were beaten up and calling someone a little black shit was common”.

Does it travel?

The research says it can.

The most cited study comes from Duke University political scientist Paula McClain. Her team surveyed 500 Black, white and Latino residents of Durham, North Carolina, in 2003. Nearly 59% of Latino immigrants said few or almost no Black people are hard-working. About 57% said few or none could be trusted. Most said they had more in common with white residents, who did not return the feeling.

Fordham law professor Tanya Katerí Hernández reached a similar conclusion from a different direction. Her 2022 book Racial Innocence draws on discrimination case files from 1964 to 2021. She argues that negative attitudes toward Blackness form long before immigrants land in the United States. She also documents how a belief that Latinos cannot be racist keeps the problem out of view.

The Pew Research Center put numbers to it in a March 2021 survey of 3,375 Latino adults. Sixty-two percent said darker skin hurts a Latino’s chances of getting ahead. Among darker-skinned Latinos, 41% said another Latino had discriminated against them, compared with 25% of lighter-skinned Latinos. About half said race and skin color rarely or never came up at home.

That last finding matters most. A bias nobody discusses is a bias nobody corrects.

Westchester’s stake

The county’s numbers show how fast the ground is shifting. The 2020 Census counted 269,334 Hispanic residents in Westchester, 26.8% of the county and up 30.1% in a decade. It counted 131,010 Black residents, 13.0% and up 3.5%.

The two communities share blocks, schools, job sites, and union halls in Mount Vernon, New Rochelle, Yonkers, Port Chester, and Peekskill. They also compete for the same scarce things: affordable apartments, entry-level work, and the attention of local government.

Black residents arrive at that competition with an unpaid bill. Slavery was legal in New York until 1827. Redlining, exclusionary zoning, and school segregation shaped Westchester well into living memory, and the wealth gap they produced has not closed.

A newcomer who was taught that Black people are untrustworthy, and who was never taught any of that history, may read a reparations hearing or a fair-housing fight as special pleading. That is where friction starts. It shows up in who gets hired on a crew, who gets shown an apartment, and who is believed when police arrive.

What education can do, and what it cannot

The honest case for anti-racism education starts with its limits.

In 2021, Princeton psychologist Elizabeth Levy Paluck and colleagues reviewed 418 experiments on reducing prejudice. They found that 76% tested brief, light-touch interventions whose long-term effect is unclear. A one-hour workshop or a slide in an orientation packet is unlikely to change much.

So the education has to be real social science, taught over time, and built into systems that already exist. Five steps would do that.

  1. Put it in civic integration. Any federal or state path to legal status should fund civics instruction that covers slavery, Jim Crow, redlining and the civil rights movement, including the 1965 immigration law that movement made possible.
  2. Teach both histories. The same curriculum should cover Afro-Latin America: the Garifuna, Afro-Colombians, Afro-Mexicans and Dominicans of Haitian descent. Black Americans have as much to learn there as anyone.
  3. Use the classrooms New York already pays for. Adult literacy and English programs, worker centers and the state Office for New Americans reach immigrants every week.
  4. Fund Black and Afro-Latino organizations to teach it. Pew estimates about 6 million U.S. adults identify as Afro-Latino. They live on both sides of this line.
  5. Measure it. Track outcomes for years, not hours, and publish the results.

None of this should be a test that only immigrants must pass. Anti-Black bias is homegrown too, and U.S. institutions built the conditions both groups now live in. Education offered as a condition of belonging will fail. Offered as a shared account of how this place came to be, it has a chance.

What this reporting does not show

The evidence has gaps, and readers should know them.

  • No study isolates undocumented immigrants. The U.S. research covers Latino immigrants or Latino adults broadly. Nothing here shows that legal status predicts racial attitudes.
  • A country’s record is not a person’s belief. Many migrants are Black, Afro-Indigenous or Indigenous, and left because of the racism described above.
  • The Durham survey is one city, 23 years ago. The same study found that a sense of shared fate among Latinos softened negative views.
  • Conflict is a risk, not a forecast. No data reviewed here measures Black-Latino conflict in Westchester, and the two communities have a long record of joint organizing.
  • El Salvador is missing. It ranks fifth among origin countries in New York and was outside the research this article draws on.
  • No one was interviewed. This draft rests on documents. It needs voices from Westchester before publication.

About the contributor

Paul Presendieu is a proud Black man who is the son of Colombian and Haitian immigrants. His mother immigrated to the United States of America specifically to escape systemic racism preventing black women from advancing in the financial sector in Colombia. In her wisdom, she knew she had a better chance to succeed in the United States of America as a multilingual member of the Black community than remaining in Cali, Colombia. 

Sources

Celia Cruz Was Already Our Queen: A Nuyorican Love Letter to the Voice That Lives Within Us By Larnez Kinsey

As a proud Nuyorican, I hear Celia Cruz and feel something settle into place. Her voice reaches the part of me that lives between languages, that understands how New York can be home while Puerto Rico remains an intimate part of who I am. Before I have considered the lyrics, the rhythm has my attention. Then she enters, unmistakable.

Picture a family gathering when the right song comes on. A chair scrapes against the floor. Someone puts down a plate. An elder takes a younger person’s hand, correcting the steps with a gentle pull and a look that says, follow me. The children see a different version of the adults they know. The person who is always working, cooking, or worrying becomes the person who knows how to dance. That transformation is part of what we pass down.

Celia Cruz’s inclusion in the Rock & Roll Hall of Fame’s Class of 2026 gives public recognition to an influence already woven into countless lives. The Hall honors her in its Musical Influence category. For listeners who have long loved her, the announcement invites us to consider how much a family playlist can teach before a museum puts a name on the wall. rockhall.com⁠

Before the world knew the Queen of Salsa, Celia Cruz won her first radio singing contest and received a merengue cake as her prize. I love that detail. It brings the legend close enough to imagine as a young woman, still at the beginning, with a voice people wanted to hear. Between that modest reward and her international career were years of work that the grandeur of her image can make easy to overlook.

Celia was Cuban. Honoring her as a Nuyorican means respecting the history she carried while recognizing the place she holds in our cultural lives. New York brought Caribbean people into contact through neighborhoods, workplaces, bandstands, and dance floors. Those encounters made room for musical exchange across distinct identities. Her collaborations with Johnny Pacheco, including the landmark 1974 album Celia & Johnny and its recording of “Quimbara,” belong to that larger story of artists creating together. rockfall.com⁠

Nuyorican identity holds its own complicated relationship to place. There is the Spanish you understand immediately but may hesitate to speak. The relative who hears New York in your pronunciation. The stranger who asks where you are really from after you have already answered. Belonging can become something other people expect you to prove. Music offers a less guarded space. You can enter through recognition, curiosity, movement, or affection.

That is where Celia reaches me. I can appreciate her voice without flattening the differences between her journey and mine. She gives me another Caribbean life to listen to closely, another way to understand what people preserve when they build a home somewhere new.

She left Cuba in 1960 and never returned. The Smithsonian’s account of her life places that separation at the heart of her story. Knowing it makes the brilliance of her performances more moving. A woman could carry the absence of home while giving audiences an extraordinary experience of joy. americanhistory.si.edu⁠

I want us to hold both truths with care. Her exuberance should never become an excuse to suggest that grief is easy to overcome, or that people owe the world a smile through their suffering. The stage showed us what she created. It could not reveal everything she endured.

Her Blackness also demands our attention. Celia was an Afro-Cuban woman, and the African heritage within her artistry belongs in any honest account of her influence. The Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture includes her in its exploration of Black Latin identity. Her legacy gives Nuyorican families an opportunity to examine how we speak about race among ourselves, including whose complexion we praise, whose features we criticize, and what children learn from those comments. nmaahc.si.edu⁠

Celebrating her requires more than admiring the gowns. Still, I love the gowns. I love the towering wigs, the saturated color, the sheer scale of her presence. Watching her perform, I see a woman whose appearance and voice meet in a powerful expression of authority. She offers a particularly satisfying image for anyone who has been taught to make herself smaller before entering a room.

Here in Westchester, these questions of inheritance are close to home. A family’s move from the Bronx to Yonkers can change its address without changing the music played while dinner is being prepared. Children in New Rochelle or White Plains may know a song through a grandparent before they know the artist’s name. Culture continues through those ordinary encounters, but familiarity alone cannot preserve the whole story. Someone has to tell it.

Celia rests at Woodlawn Cemetery in the Bronx, near Westchester’s southern border. Woodlawn recognizes her as a notable figure in its Hispanic heritage programming. Her resting place offers a tangible connection to a woman whose recordings can otherwise make her seem larger than life and far away. woodlawn.org

We can use this moment of recognition to bring her history closer. Our libraries and schools can invite musicians to explain the rhythms, collaborations, and traditions behind the songs. Families can introduce young listeners to a full recording, then leave enough quiet afterward for a question or a memory—an elder’s account of where they first heard her may tell us something no award announcement can.

That is the tribute I want to offer as a Nuyorican: attention to the woman, respect for her Cuban roots, and a willingness to pass on more than the chorus.

Choose a Celia song. Sit with someone you love. Ask what it brings back, and let them take their time.

¡Azúcar!

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What Happens After Amen? by Larnez Kinsey

A small 2011 study found changes in gray matter concentration in several brain regions after an eight-week mindfulness program. It involved sixteen program participants and seventeen people in a comparison group, so its findings deserve modest expectations. Separate research published in 2016 found that reflecting on meaningful personal values engaged brain systems associated with reward and processing information about ourselves. Neither study tested whether prayer attracts money or opportunities. They offer a reason to examine intentional mental practice without turning spiritual hope into a scientific guarantee. 

Bring that question into a Yonkers kitchen. You have finished praying. Your coffee is cooling beside a stack of mail when your phone lights up with a bill reminder. You look at the balance, tighten your jaw, and whisper, “I’m never going to get ahead.” The problem on the screen is real. But somewhere between opening the notification and putting down the phone, you have turned today’s difficulty into a lifetime sentence.

What happened after amen? A social media post about prayer, repetition, and neuroplasticity made me sit with that question. Neuroplasticity describes the brain’s capacity to change through experience and learning. The mindfulness study examined a structured program. It did not establish that every repeated statement rewires the brain or that our words command outside events. 

We can still examine our language without making promises the research cannot support. You miss an appointment and call yourself irresponsible. You need rest and call yourself lazy. An application gets rejected, and you decide you are somebody who never gets chosen. One event becomes your whole biography. If a friend spoke about herself that way, you would interrupt. Apparently, compassion has visiting hours, and you are not on the list.

For some of us, that harshness sounds like discipline because it is familiar. Maybe you learned that needing help meant you had not prepared enough. Maybe praise arrived when you stayed quiet, handled the problem, and asked for nothing. Years later, you can be exhausted and still feel proud that nobody knows.

In Westchester, this conversation belongs wherever faith and community responsibility meet. Picture a church gathering in Mount Vernon or a neighborhood meeting in Yonkers. Before it ends, someone needs volunteers, another family needs support, and the person who reliably says yes feels their hand rising again. They believe in showing up. They also need a way to participate without making exhaustion the price of belonging.

If you recognize yourself there, consider what happens when your prayer for peace meets another request for your time. Can you say, “I care about this, but I cannot take it on”? Can the room accept that answer without questioning your commitment? Our community culture is shaped by those exchanges. Making room for an honest limit is one practical way to care for the people we depend on.

Or picture the ride home on Metro North. The train window reflects your face over the passing landscape. You replay a meeting, remembering the answer you stumbled through and overlooking everything you contributed. By the time you reach your stop, the meeting has become evidence against you. Nobody else needed to say a word.

I want us to notice that private conversation. Who taught you to address yourself with such contempt? Does the sentence you keep repeating describe what happened, or does it punish you for being human? “I need help organizing this” identifies a problem someone can help solve. “I’m a mess” leaves you carrying an accusation.

And let’s be honest about the conditions surrounding that conversation. Housing costs do not respond to affirmations. A child care gap, an unreliable ride, or an institution that dismisses your concern requires practical attention. People can speak kindly to themselves and still face barriers they did not create. I will not tell someone struggling to keep a household together that their vocabulary caused the struggle. That is blame dressed for a wellness event.

Spiritual advice becomes especially unhelpful when it leaves no room for fear. Now you must handle the problem, remain grateful, and avoid saying anything that might “attract negativity.” Where is the person allowed to admit they are frightened? An honest prayer can begin there: “I don’t know how to handle this. Help me decide what comes next.” You do not need to perform certainty to name a need.

The self-affirmation research offers a useful distinction, too. In the 2016 study, participants reflected on important personal values, including how those values related to their future. The exercise involved considering what mattered to them. It was not a test of whether repeating flattering statements could produce whatever they wanted. 

That gives us something tangible to work with. If community matters to you, receiving help can belong to that value. If dignity matters, consider how you address yourself after a mistake. If learning matters, ask the question you have been pretending you already understand.

As a Reiki Master Teacher and founder of Hearth & Harmony, I want restoration to remain useful after the quiet room. What happens when the phone rings again? Can you ask for time before answering? Can you recognize a need before offering yourself as the solution to somebody else’s?

Our community spaces can support those choices. After service, offer the ride. At the gathering, take a task from the person who always stays to clean up. When a friend says they are overwhelmed, ask what would help instead of immediately praising their strength. “I’m praying for you” can be followed by “I can bring dinner Tuesday.” That second sentence gives the first one somewhere to land.

This week, notice one phrase you reach for under pressure. Write it down and ask whether it helps you respond. “Nothing ever works out” might become “This plan fell through. I need another option.” Pair that more accurate sentence with one action: a call, a request, or time to consider your choices. Treat this as reflection, not another assignment you can fail. A fearful thought is not a prophecy. You can hear it without handing it authority over every decision.

At Hearth & Harmony, our Reiki offerings and monthly healing circle provide space to pause, ask questions, and explore supportive practices. To learn more, message @HearthandHarmonyNYC with “RESET” or email HearthandHarmonyNYC@gmail.com. In the comments, share one sentence you are ready to reconsider and what you would like to practice saying instead.

Want to explore the research? Read Hölzel and colleagues’ mindfulness study⁠ and Cascio and colleagues’ study on self-affirmation and brain activity 

When you finish praying tonight, listen to the conversation that follows. You deserve some of the compassion you just asked heaven to send.

IF YOU FELT IT, YOU’RE NOT WRONG: Westchester, Your Strength Is Not A Care Plan

Eighty-seven participants. Eighty-two completed the study. A 2026 randomized pilot trial compared two massage sessions, two Reiki sessions, and four Reiki sessions for people with breast or prostate cancer receiving hormone therapy. Fatigue improved across all three groups, with improvements sustained through week ten. No adverse events related to either intervention were reported. However, differences between groups were not statistically significant, so the findings do not establish that Reiki works better than massage. 

Imagine someone sitting in a parked car outside their Yonkers apartment after a medical appointment. Their bag is beside them. Upstairs, dinner needs figuring out. A text asks whether they can stop at the store. They need a minute before becoming available again.

This is an illustration, not a patient story. But consider the expectation inside it: If you are still answering messages, keeping appointments, and handling errands, people may assume you have enough energy to continue.

Someone says, “You look good.” You appreciate the kindness. You also wish looking good could carry the groceries.

Here in Westchester, we can make our conversations about care more practical. Around the kitchen table, after a church service or during a community gathering, we praise people for persevering. Then we hand them another responsibility. Admiration becomes convenient when it allows everyone else to keep depending on the person who needs help.

As a Reiki Master Teacher and founder of Hearth & Harmony, I am interested in tools that may support restoration. This study matters because it tested Reiki directly, giving us a specific practice and outcome to examine.

The limits matter, too. It was a small feasibility trial without a sham treatment or usual care-only comparison. Four Reiki sessions provided more treatment time than the two-session groups. The findings cannot establish a specific energy mechanism or separate the influence of attention, expectations, and other factors. Approximately 93 percent of participants were White, further limiting how confidently the results can be generalized across communities. 

These are reasons for broader, more rigorous research. Someone navigating cancer deserves an explanation that leaves room for uncertainty before they spend their money or limited energy. Reporting no intervention-related adverse events in this trial also does not guarantee that every service, practitioner, or setting is appropriate for every person.

And energy is part of the cost. An appointment in White Plains can take much more than the hour printed on the calendar when you are coordinating transportation from another community. Add child care or time away from work, and receiving support starts requiring its own support system.

The question belongs in our conversations across Yonkers, Mount Vernon, New Rochelle, and the rest of the county: What makes care possible beyond having an appointment available?

A neighbor offering a ride or a family member handling an errand can make the difference. Before asking why someone has not prioritized their wellness, ask what they would have to rearrange to get there. “Make time for yourself” sounds simple when you are not the person negotiating where that time will come from.

Our community spaces can help people explore unfamiliar options without pressure. One person may approach Reiki through spiritual curiosity. Another wants a plain explanation and prefers no spiritual language. Someone else will choose a different practice. Nobody should have to defend their faith or skepticism to ask a question.

At Hearth & Harmony, I want people to understand the process, cost, and choices before committing. Your preferences about touch matter. You can stop. You do not owe a practitioner tears, a breakthrough, or a testimonial. Feeling small doesn’t mean you failed to believe enough.

For anyone receiving cancer treatment, discuss fatigue and complementary practices with your oncology team. Reiki is an optional supportive practice and does not replace medical evaluation or prescribed care. A promising study should help you start an informed conversation, not persuade you to abandon treatment.

For those helping a friend or relative, make your next offer specific. “I can bring dinner Thursday” is easier to accept than “Let me know if you need anything.” An exhausted person shouldn’t have to identify the task, arrange the help, and reassure you that accepting it will not be an inconvenience.

To learn about Reiki or our monthly healing circle, message @HearthandHarmonyNYC with “RESTORE,” or email HearthandHarmonyNYC@gmail.com. Share this article with someone who keeps postponing their own care, and tell me: What would make support easier to receive in your Westchester community?

The next time we call someone strong, let’s make sure we are not asking them to carry what we could help put down.

Want to learn more? Read “Feasibility and Efficacy of Reiki Versus Massage for Cancer-Related Fatigue in Patients With Breast and Prostate Cancer Receiving Hormone Therapy,” by McGuire and colleagues, published in JNCCN in 2026

NEW DATE ANNOUNCEMENT: League of Women Voters to Host District 15 County Legislator Candidate Forum

YONKERS, N.Y. — The League of Women Voters of the Rivertowns is changing the date of a candidate forum for the Westchester County Legislator District 15. The forum will be a Zoom webinar on Friday, October 23, 2026, from 7 to 8 p.m. The forum can be viewed live by pre-registration at https://bit.ly/countylegislatordistrict15.

The forum will feature incumbent County Legislator James Nolan, who is running on the Republican Party line, and Democratic challenger Kisha Skipper.

District 15 represents all of Bronxville, part of Eastchester, and portions of northeast/east Yonkers

Questions must be submitted ahead of time either at registration or by email to info@lwv-rivertowns.org. The deadline for submission of questions is 6:00 p.m. on Tuesday, October 20. Questions will be reviewed by a committee of League members who will submit them to the moderator prior to the start of the forum.

According to the League, a committee of League members will review submitted questions before forwarding them to the moderator before the forum begins.

For residents unable to watch live, the forum will be recorded and made available afterward through the LWV Rivertowns YouTube channel and at www.lwv-rivertowns.org.

The League of Women Voters is a nonpartisan political organization focused on encouraging informed and active participation in government, increasing public understanding of major policy issues, and promoting civic engagement through education and advocacy. The organization does not support or oppose political candidates or parties.

Important 2026 Election Dates

Election Day: Tuesday, November 3, 2026
Polls Open: 6:00 a.m. – 9:00 p.m.

Early Voting: Saturday, October 24 – Sunday, November 1, 2026
Early-voting hours vary by location.

The deadline to register to vote in the November General Election is October 24, 2026.

Voters can find additional election information and polling-place details through the Westchester County Board of Elections.

NEW LOCATION ANNOUNCEMENT: The MVAC’s “The Art of Voting” Exhibit & Reception Will Now Take Place at the Wartburg Rehabilitation Center.

MVAC’S “THE ART OF VOTING” EXHIBIT & RECEPTION MOVES TO WARTBURG REHABILITATION CENTER

MOUNT VERNON, NY — The Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society (MVAC) is calling on emerging and experienced artists to use their creativity to explore voting, democracy, representation, and the power of the individual voice through its community exhibition, “The Art of Voting.”

Originally scheduled to take place at the Mount Vernon Public Library, the exhibit and reception will now be held at the Wartburg Rehabilitation Center’s Berkemeier Building, Saturday, October 17, from 2 to 5 p.m. The location has changed, but the mission remains the same.

The organization’s official submission form describes the project as an opportunity for artists to submit original work examining the relationship between art, civic participation, voting, and democracy, while encouraging the community to consider how creative expression can educate, inspire, and amplify individual voices.

NEW LOCATION: Wartburg Rehabilitation Center — Berkemeier Building
DATE: Saturday, October 17, 2026
TIME: 2–5 p.m.

The exhibition invites artists to consider what voting means to them and their community, including the history and sacrifices connected to voting rights, the meaning of political representation, and the ways art can encourage civic education and public participation.

Artists are encouraged to approach the theme through their own experiences and perspectives, asking questions such as: Why does your vote matter? What does democracy look like through your eyes? What struggles made access to the ballot possible? And what hopes do you have for the future?

The challenge is open to a variety of artistic disciplines, including painting, drawing, photography, sculpture, mixed media and collage, as well as original poetry and spoken-word work centered on voting, democracy, equality, freedom, civic participation and the power of the people.

The Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society has long described art as a vehicle for raising awareness, breaking down barriers and creating positive social and community change. The organizers’ message behind the project is simple: your voice matters, your creativity matters, and your participation in the democratic process matters.

Additional information is available from the Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society at mvac.inc@gmail.com.

“Let your art speak. Let your voice be heard. Let your vote count.”

Real Hip-Hop Was In The Building At The 1st Annual Hudson River Hip-Hop Festival

Nor’easter Couldn’t Stop the Culture As Hip-Hop Takes Over Poughkeepsie, New York

Poughkeepsie, NY — On Saturday, October 3, 2026, the 1st annual Hudson River Hip-Hop Festival took over The Academy in Poughkeepsie, NY, bringing together Golden Era legends, underground favorites, Hip-Hop enthusiasts, DJs, MCs, and the culture in one location for a full day and night of pure Hip-Hop!

Curated by SkyloftNYC, Creator & Executive Producer Giancarlo Lorusso and hosted by Tiya Phoenix and Life Liggy Long (L.I.F.E. Long), the star-studded festival featured a deep lineup of artists representing the sound, spirit, and foundation of the culture, including 2026 National Hip-Hop Museum Hall of Fame inductees Brand Nubian, Mike Gee of the Jungle Brothers, Psycho Les of The Beatnuts, who brought out Nine to perform his underground classic “Whatcha Want,” InI with DJ Steve Brock and the Cella Dwellas who were both celebrating their 30th anniversaries, plus Onyx, Joe Fatal, Ruste Juxx, Royal Flush, Natural Elements, Pozy One, Originoo Gunn Clappaz, Sauce Alito Bros., Big Dubez of Sporty Thievz and seveal others. DJ Supreme showed the crowd why he is a veteran championship turntablist and battle DJ.

The first half took place outside and moved inside for the grand finale. this was raw beats, bars, turntablism, and generations of the culture coming together in one location, reminiscent of many of the infamous back-in-the-day gatherings of Hip-Hop’s yesteryear.

The festival was originally scheduled for Saturday, September 26, outdoors at the People’s Waterfront Park in Newburgh, but an unusually powerful nor’easter forced organizers to move the monumental gathering approximately 25 miles away to Poughkeepsie, where The Academy, the city’s premier multi-use destination, provided an indoor/outdoor, rain-or-shine home for the celebration. The weather may have changed the location and the date, but ot damn sure couldn’t stop the culture!

Real Hip-Hop came through, represented, and reminded everybody what the culture feels and looks like. For one unforgettable day and night, Poughkeepsie became a home for Hip-Hop!

Obama Is Returning to Michigan—Yet Black Voters Have Every Right to Ask: What Are You Here For?

Bringing Barack Obama to Detroit to rally Black voters for Abdul El-Sayed may generate excitement. Still, it cannot erase Flint, Detroit’s economic struggles, or legitimate questions about what decades of political loyalty have delivered.

Barack Obama is returning to Michigan. On October 24th, he will be in Detroit with Democratic U.S. Senate nominee Abdul El-Sayed and other Michigan Democrats, including gubernatorial nominee Jocelyn Benson. The rally is taking place on the first day of Michigan’s mandatory early in-person voting period, and its political objective is clear: the Democrats want to energize their coalition and help El-Sayed build support in a state where control of a U.S. Senate seat is in question.

However, the Democrats ought to be cautious in thinking that having Barack Obama appear on a stage in Detroit automatically deals with the concerns of Black Michigan voters. To some Black voters, Obama’s appearance might be exciting, but to others it could be seen as political symbolism that replaces real answers, bringing America’s first Black president to Detroit to persuade Black people to back the Democratic nominee.

That question matters because El-Sayed has shown a clear weakness among Black voters. Although he narrowly won the Democratic primary statewide, his opponent, Haley Stevens, did better in Wayne County, taking about 51 percent compared to El-Sayed’s 45 percent. In Detroit, a city that is over 75 percent Black, the gap was even wider: a Washington Post analysis found that Stevens defeated El-Sayed by 28 percentage points.

Black Detroit residents interviewed after the primary made a point politicians should take note of: they did not necessarily know El-Sayed, didn’t understand his connection to their community, or know exactly what his platform would mean for Black people in Detroit. This is not the same as simply labeling Black voters as conservative, uninformed or unwilling to back a Muslim candidate. Some voters were asking the most fundamental political question any citizen can ask: What are you going to do for us?

The Numbers Show The Disconnect

The Washington Post-Schar School poll, conducted in September, made the issue even more clear-cut. Of likely Black voters in Michigan, 83 percent said they wanted the Democrats to control the U.S. Senate, while only 67 percent backed El-Sayed. A 16-point gap separates Black voters who wanted Democratic control of the Senate from those willing to support the Democratic Senate candidate.

That is important since it contradicts the simple idea that Black people’s skepticism about El-Sayed is just the result of Republican pressure or a general shift of Black voters away from the Democrats. Although these voters mostly favored Democratic control of the Senate, many still doubted El-Sayed himself.

The Democrats have already got former Vice President Kamala Harris to campaign with El-Sayed, and now Barack Obama is joining them. The political strategy is clear, but maybe Democratic leaders should spend as much time asking why Black voters need to be convinced as they do identifying prominent Black Democrats to do the convincing.

Black voters are not considered the property of political parties. They should not have their votes passed on merely because a candidate has a “D” next to his or her name, and they should not be brought out to vote at each election by introducing well-known Black political figures to the area.

Detroit Has Questions That Celebrity Endorsement Cannot Andswer

If you look at Detroit itself, about 75.3 percent of its residents are Black, and the Census Bureau’s estimate of the poverty rate in Detroit from its 2024 American Community Survey is about 34.5 percent.

On employment, the city’s own economic report indicates that Detroit’s unemployment rate averaged 10.6 percent in the first quarter of 2026; it averaged 7.2 percent in 2023, rose to 9.1 percent in 2024, and then increased further to 10 percent in 2025. This is not something of the past. These are the economic conditions people in one of America’s most important Black cities face today.

Those figures do not show that Democrats have achieved nothing in Detroit. Democratic officials at the federal, state, and local levels can cite investments, infrastructure spending, tax credits, economic-development schemes, and programs designed for families, workers, and businesses. Since then, Detroit has seen substantial redevelopment and investment.

Yet political accountability should not end with announcing programs or tracking how much money is appropriated. Black voters have every right to want to know whether those investments are leading to real improvements in household income, employment opportunities, homeownership, the quality of the schools in their neighborhood, and their ability to build wealth over generations.

That is the kind of conversation that Democrats should be ready to have in Detroit.

Then There is Flint

One more aspect of Michigan’s history makes Barack Obama’s return especially complicated: Flint.

The Flint water crisis started in April 2014, while Barack Obama was president, when Flint changed from buying treated water from Detroit’s system to taking and treating water from the Flint River. The water system served nearly 100,000 residents, and inadequate treatment led residents to drink water contaminated with lead.

We should be accurate about responsibility. Barack Obama did not cause the Flint water crisis, and it would be dishonest to say he did. Rick Snyder, a Republican, was governor of Michigan at the time, and Flint was under state-appointed emergency management, with the Michigan government and its environmental regulators sharing major responsibility for the decisions and failures that led to the disaster.

This does not erase what happened at the federal level.

The Environmental Protection Agency belonged to the Obama administration, and the EPA’s Office of Inspector General later concluded that EPA Region 5 had both the authority and the information to issue an emergency order to protect Flint residents as early as June 2015.

The emergency order was not issued until January 21, 2016, which was seven months later.

The Inspector General discovered that by June 2015 the EPA was aware that Flint was not employing corrosion control, that some houses had lead levels above the federal action level, that residents could expect their exposure to increase as the corrosion progressed, and that the state and local authorities were not taking swift enough action to protect public health.

A later report by the EPA Inspector General found that management weaknesses delayed the federal response to the Flint water crisis and suggested stronger federal oversight of state drinking-water programs.

Those facts deserve to be remembered.

Black Michigan Should Not Be Asked to Forget

Envision how Flint must have appeared from the point of view of a Black family residing there. Your water is polluted. The government says that the situation is under control. Parents are concerned about the stuff their children have drunk. The residents complain, the activists sound the alarm, and in the end the whole country finds out that an American city—one which has a majority-Black population—has been given access to lead via its public water system.

Republicans cannot avoid responsibility since Rick Snyder was governor; likewise, Michigan officials cannot escape responsibility since many of the decisions took place under state control. However, Democrats cannot just claim that because a Republican had been in the governor’s mansion, the federal government had no duty to act when a public-health emergency was developing.

Obama finally declared a federal emergency, and his administration arranged for a great deal of federal aid for Flint. These actions should also be included in the historical record.

The Inspector General also found that Obama’s EPA could have acted months earlier.

That is why Obama’s return to Michigan should invite more than nostalgia.

The Black Arab Conversation That Cannot Be Ignored

El-Sayed’s relationship with Black voters in Detroit also has to do with another complicated aspect of Michigan’s history—that being the relationship between Black and Arab-American communities in the metropolitan area of Detroit.

These groups have cooperated in numerous ways, formed coalitions, and shared common political interests. Arab Americans have also come across discrimination, stereotyping, and anti-Muslim bigotry, and El-Sayed has himself been the target of political attacks which exploit those prejudices.

Whenever that reality arises, it should be faced.

One does not have to feign that there are historical tensions between parts of Detroit’s Black and Arab communities if one admits that there has been anti-Arab or anti-Muslim discrimination. Over the years, Black residents of Detroit have raised issues concerning neighborhood businesses, economic relationships, racial treatment, and whether political alliances truly take Black interests into account.

It would be wrong to treat any conversations that Black residents have when they raise uncomfortable questions as mere accusations of bigotry. Likewise, individual disagreements should not be used as a basis for stereotyping the whole Arab-American community.

Political coalitions must be based on respect, existing relationships, and shared interests, and a political party can’t announce them just three weeks before Election Day.

Black Voters Must Demand An Agenda

This is where the Obama rally ought to turn into a much bigger discussion.

Rather than just inquiring whether Barack Obama can help El-Sayed boost his support among Black people, maybe journalists should ask El-Sayed what exactly he is providing Black Michiganders.

What is his plan concerning Black unemployment? What specific policies does he have to increase Black homeownership and to safeguard current Black homeowners? How would his economic program promote Black-owned businesses and access to capital? What steps would he take to deal with educational disparities? And how would he use his position in the United States Senate to tackle infrastructure and environmental justice so that another Flint won’t occur?

The questions shouldn’t be seen as hostile; that is exactly the kind of questions voters are meant to ask candidates.

El-Sayed has promoted major progressive measures, such as Medicare for All, and has focused on an economic agenda aimed at reducing the influence of money in politics and putting more money directly into working people’s pockets. However, even before the primary, some Black voters in Detroit interviewed by The Washington Post doubted whether those general progressive pledges would actually make a difference in their lives. That ought to tell the Democrats something.

Black people don’t live within political slogans; they live in neighborhoods, households, schools, workplaces, and businesses. They pay their property taxes, utility bills, mortgages, and rent. They worry whether their children can read at grade level, whether their sons can secure careers, whether their daughters are safe, whether their businesses can obtain financing, and whether they will ever accumulate enough assets to leave something valuable to the next generation.

Obama Cannot Be The Policy

Barack Obama remains one of the most important political figures in modern American history, since his election as the first Black president had great historical significance—especially for generations of Black Americans who never thought they would live to see a Black family in the White House.

Yet history does not release anyone from political accountability.

Obama is not the policy.

His presence cannot offer answers about Detroit’s unemployment rate. His speeches cannot erase the poverty statistics. The fact that he is popular cannot overcome the long-standing tensions between Black and Arab communities. Moreover, his legacy cannot change the fact that the EPA under him had both the information and the authority to intervene in Flint months before it issued its emergency order.

It won’t tell the Black voters in Michigan what Abdul El-Sayed actually intends to do for them. No one but El-Sayed can answer that.

That is why some Black voters might see Obama’s appearance differently from how Democratic strategists intend. To party leaders, this may seem like inspiration. Still, to some voters it could appear to be another instance of using Black political symbolism in an attempt to win Black votes without first addressing Black political grievances.

The fact is that Black voters need not reject El-Sayed; they need not choose to support his Republican opponent, Mike Rogers; and it by no means follows that Black voters should base their decision entirely on race, religion, or resentment.

It means they should demand answers from everyone.

No Permanent Friends, Only Permanent Interest

The level of black political power shouldn’t be judged by the enthusiasm with which black voters display when Barack Obama walks onto a stage; it should be judged by whether elected officials realize that black votes come with expectations.

Detroit’s history deserves seriousness. We should take the families in Flint seriously. We should take the seriousness of Black voters in Michigan seriously.

Then, when Barack Obama takes the stage in Detroit on October 24, the most important question may be whether he can win over Black voters to support Abdul El-Sayed.

It ought to be asked whether Abdul El-Sayed—and the Democratic Party asking Michigan’s Black communities to back him—can make clear exactly what benefits Black communities will get in return for their political support.

Black voters have listened to the speeches, seen the celebrities, and watched the presidents, vice presidents, and other top political figures arrive every election season to tell them it is all on the line.

This time, they have every right to respond with a question of their own:

What, specifically, are you going to do for us?

Cannabis Honestly: Educating Young People, Supporting Families and Building Stronger Communities

The New York State Office of Cannabis Management recently sat down with Mount Vernon Mayor Shawyn Patterson-Howard and Mount Vernon City School District Superintendent Dr. Demario Strickland to discuss cannabis-related challenges facing young people in the community. That conversation reinforced the need for Cannabis Honestly, OCM’s statewide youth cannabis education campaign, and helped spark a collaboration between the state, the City of Mount Vernon, and the Mount Vernon City School District.

On Sunday, October 4, 2026, Lyla Hunt, Director of Public Health and Education at the New York State Office of Cannabis Management, joined us on Black Westchester Presents: People Before Politics Radio to discuss how Cannabis Honestly can support schools, families, educators, and other trusted adults. The conversation explored why community partnerships are central to prevention, what this collaboration could mean for young people in cities like Mount Vernon, how adults can have more informed conversations with youth about cannabis, and the importance of providing young people with credible information before misinformation reaches them.

The New York State Office of Cannabis Management (OCM) oversees New York’s regulated adult-use cannabis, medical cannabis, and cannabinoid hemp industries. The agency works to develop an equitable and responsible cannabis marketplace while protecting public health and safety, supporting licensees and communities, ensuring regulatory compliance, and advancing public education.

OCM also provides resources to help New Yorkers better understand the state’s cannabis laws, make informed decisions, and report concerns involving cannabis activity.

To learn more, you can contact the New York State Office of Cannabis Management and the Cannabis Honestly Public Education Campaign. To report a Cannabis-Related Incident, Illicit Shop or Other Concern, click here

People Before Politics Radio — The Political Talk Show That Goes Beyond Politics, giving you that Real Talk For The Community since 2014!

If You Felt It, You’re Not Wrong: The Inheritance Is Real. So Is The Denial.

What bothers me is the expectation that we will explain racism gently enough for the people benefiting from it to remain comfortable. You bring the history, identify the decision, and describe the consequences. Somehow, you end up reassuring somebody about their character while your original question sits there unanswered.

Dick Gregory understood how to make a contradiction follow you home. In a 2010 interview, he observed that wealthy White people would hire a nanny to change their baby’s diaper while walking their own dog and picking up its waste. You laugh, then start thinking about labor, intimacy, and status. How do people value the person entrusted with their child’s most vulnerable needs? 

Think about the caregiver who knows which cry means hungry, where the medicine is, and which blanket settles the child. Someone trusted with those details can still have little authority over their own working conditions. Dependence and respect do not always travel together.

A line attributed to Paul Mooney presses on another contradiction: “White people don’t want to be criticized for what their ancestors did, but they sure as hell hold onto the profits their ancestors left.” Inheritance matters when the property transfers. Why does it become irrelevant when we ask how the property accumulated?

“I wasn’t there” answers a question about presence. It does not answer a question about benefit. In the Federal Reserve’s 2022 Survey of Consumer Finances, median White family wealth was approximately $285,000, compared with approximately $44,900 for Black families. These national figures do not explain every household. They establish an inequality that deserves more than a lecture about working harder. 

Here in Yonkers, the institutional history is close enough to touch. In 1985, a federal court found that the city had intentionally segregated its public schools and housing for more than 40 years. The city had deliberately concentrated virtually all of its public and subsidized housing in southwest Yonkers to maintain residential segregation. Families lived inside the consequences of decisions made through public authority. 

So when somebody says we keep bringing race into everything, I want to ask when race was removed from the arrangement. A court ruling establishes responsibility. Repair requires changes people can experience.

They say opinions are like assholes: everybody has one, and they usually stink. But not everybody has an institution or a system with the power to spread that stink through somebody else’s life. When prejudice has access to a budget, a housing decision, a hiring policy, or a school assignment, it can make people live with its consequences.

That is why I care about racial literacy. We need language to identify who made the decision, what rule justified it, who benefited, and who absorbed the harm. Otherwise, we stay occupied with whether someone seems nice while their authority goes unexamined.

White psychopathology, as I am discussing it, is a critical framework for examining socially protected denial, domination, and contradiction. Whiteness refers here to a historically constructed system of racial power. This is not a diagnosis of White individuals, and mental illness should not become shorthand for cruelty.

Kehinde Andrews’s 2016 article, “The Psychosis of Whiteness,” examines how films can diminish Black agency and distance Britain from slavery’s brutality. Dante King also uses the language of pathology to critique racial power and its institutional foundations. Their arguments prompt a question: What must disappear from the story for the powerful to remain innocent? 

The psychiatric debate is distinct. In a 2002 Western Journal of Medicine exchange, Harvard psychiatrist Alvin F. Poussaint argued that certain extreme racist beliefs could involve delusional symptoms. That was a position within a professional debate, not proof that all racism is mental illness. 

A 2025 review by India Francis-Crossley and colleagues examined seven reviews covering 23 studies and 40,300 participants. Five reviews directly examined discrimination and psychosis, and all found a positive association. However, review quality was low or critically low, and most studies were cross sectional, leaving causation unresolved. This research concerns people experiencing discrimination; it does not clinically validate white psychopathology. 

For me, those distinctions sharpen the question of responsibility. What conduct are institutions tolerating, and what happens to the people expected to endure it?

Imagine a resident arriving at a public meeting with a folder of records. They arranged child care, found transportation, and waited through the agenda. They explain their concern. The response focuses on whether they sound angry. The folder stays closed.

Later, sitting in the car with the engine off, they replay the exchange. Maybe they should have smiled. Maybe they should have used a softer word. I resent an arrangement that leaves people rehearsing how to make their mistreatment easier for somebody else to hear.

History exposes an even more intimate contradiction. Historian Emily West documents how enslaved Black women cared for and sometimes breastfed White children while their own motherhood was exploited and controlled. A racial order could declare a woman inferior while depending on her body to nourish its children. 

Her care was needed. Her freedom was denied. That contradiction continued because the arrangement served those holding power. Understanding it requires examining more than individual attitudes.

As a Black and Puerto Rican woman born on Staten Island and living in Yonkers, I want our conversations about New York culture to reach beyond celebration. We can love the food, music, and language while asking who owns the spaces, controls the resources, and gets heard when appreciation gives way to disagreement.

A familiar face does not settle those questions. Shared identity matters to me. I still want to know what someone does with the authority they hold. Community connection should make accountability possible, not make scrutiny feel disloyal.

Huey P. Newton connected power to defining social phenomena and acting to change them. That is what I want racial literacy to make possible: document the conduct, examine the rule, and identify who can change it. 

You cannot celebrate what came down through the family and then insist that the history stopped at the funeral. And you cannot ask a community to move forward while refusing to examine what still shapes its opportunities.

Subscribe for more conversations about racial literacy and community power. In the comments, share one question you wish an institution would answer. Keep private details private. Tell us what accountability would look like.

Care reveals itself through attention and action. I want public leadership judged by what it funds, protects, and responds to. Now I understand the meaning of the statement, “It’s a dog eat dog world.” When human needs remain unanswered, it can feel like we live in a society where the people running our government care more about their dogs than us. Things that make you go hmmm.

Want to learn more? Read Andrews’s analysis⁠, King’s framework⁠, Poussaint’s argument⁠, and the 2025 racism and psychosis review⁠. The medical papers are archived by the National Library of Medicine; they are not official NIH positions.

For historical context, consult the Federal Reserve’s wealth findings⁠, Yonkers desegregation record⁠, West’s research⁠, Gregory’s interview⁠ and Newton’s writings⁠.

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