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If You Felt It, You’re Not Wrong: Puerto Rico Is In Our Blood, Water Should Be In Its Faucets By Larnez Kinsey

More than 180,000 households in Puerto Rico were subject to announced water rationing measures this summer, according to an August 11, 2026 congressional statement. Lawmakers reported that failing infrastructure leaks approximately half of the island’s treated water. The U.S. Census Bureau estimated that 37.3 percent of Puerto Rico’s population lived below the poverty line in 2024. These figures raise a practical question: How does a household afford to keep replacing something that should come out of the faucet? 

Imagine standing at the kitchen sink, turning the handle, and waiting for a sound that never comes. There is a pot to wash before dinner. A child needs a bath. The toilet will not refill. You look at the containers against the wall and begin calculating what can wait.

This is an illustration, not a particular family’s account. It brings the crisis into the room where people live with it. Water shortages turn ordinary routines into decisions about what a household can postpone.

For those of us whose Puerto Rican identity took shape in New York, that household does not feel impossibly far away.

The island lives in the switch between English and Spanish halfway through a sentence. In the relative who asks whether you have eaten before asking why you called. In a kitchen where somebody lifts the pot lid after being told to leave it alone. In the song that interrupts a conversation because everyone recognizes the opening.

Being Nuyorican means knowing that a place can shape your life even when you did not grow up on its streets. We carry Puerto Rico through family relationships, language, memory, and traditions we continue making our own. That connection asks something of us when the conversation turns from celebration to hardship.

A call can begin with a birthday update and change with one question: “¿Tienes agua?” Do you have water?

Suddenly, you are asking who can deliver a container and whether somebody has checked on an older relative. You are trying to understand how much remains in a jug you cannot see. You hang up in White Plains or Yonkers, but part of your attention stays in that kitchen.

The White Plains Puerto Rican Cultural Committee is offering a way to turn that concern into assistance.

According to the organizers’ update shared for this article, several pallets of donated water have been collected, and shipping is underway. Monetary contributions will support additional water purchases in Puerto Rico during the organizers’ SOMOS trip.

Water collection has closed. The campaign is now accepting monetary donations only.

The original request for containers of one gallon or larger reflected how much water daily life requires. Drinking is only the beginning. Handwashing, dishes, toilets, and laundry all depend on a supply people can count on.

Every replacement container brings work. Somebody has to locate it, pay for it, transport it, and carry it inside. An older adult living alone may need assistance lifting it. Someone with limited mobility may be unable to collect it independently. Water can be available and still remain out of reach.

For a household with little financial cushion, that purchase competes with food, medication, electricity, and transportation. “Just buy bottled water” sounds simple until you are the person paying for it and carrying it upstairs.

This crisis also belongs in a larger conversation about who can afford to remain in Puerto Rico. Readers are right to ask whether unreliable services, development, and housing pressures intersect. But the evidence reviewed here does not establish that water shortages caused an increase in land sales or were deliberately created to force residents out.

The Government Accountability Office documented concerns from local officials about property purchases for short term rentals and difficulty finding affordable housing. It also concluded that the effect of resident investor tax incentives on housing prices was unclear. Those findings support further scrutiny without pretending the cause of every sale or relocation is known. 

What we can ask is whether residents have a meaningful choice to stay when basic services become difficult to obtain. A home holds more than its potential selling price. It holds the neighbor who notices when an older resident has not come outside, the doorway relatives recognize, and the kitchen where the next generation learns a recipe by watching.

Those relationships deserve a place in decisions about Puerto Rico’s future.

Public accountability must accompany relief. Congressional leaders have requested a federal investigation into water infrastructure, repair spending, and project delivery. Families deserve clear answers about when dependable service will reach their homes. They also need water while that work proceeds. 

Here in Westchester, the committee’s effort gives our connection a practical direction. The campaign flyer lists collaborators including the Hispanic Democrats of Westchester, LCLAA’s Westchester Chapter, the National Puerto Rican Agenda chapter, Mt. Hope A.M.E. Zion Church, and AFYA.

We know how to gather around culture. We raise the flag, bring the food, and find one another in a crowd. This appeal asks us to bring that same commitment to an everyday necessity.

To make a monetary donation, contact Councilwoman Evelyn Alicea-Santiago at 914-490-3676 for the campaign’s current payment instructions. Specify that your contribution is for Puerto Rico water relief. The number appears on the campaign flyer and the White Plains Puerto Rican Cultural Committee’s website⁠. 

Share the updated appeal with your family group chat, congregation, coworkers, or community organization. If you cannot contribute financially, help the request reach someone who can. Please share the monetary donation request rather than the closed water collection schedule.

For background, read the congressional request for a water crisis investigation⁠, the Census Bureau’s Puerto Rico poverty data⁠, and GAO’s discussion of investor incentives and housing⁠.

Tonight, many of us will turn on a faucet without thinking. Somewhere, a family will check what remains in a container before deciding what to do next. We carried Puerto Rico into New York through the ways we speak, cook, gather, and remember. We can carry that connection forward through what we do now.

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“Why Was She The Only One Detained?” — Former Yonkers NAACP President Demands Answers In Skipper Case

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Tanika Inlaw, Former Yonkers NAACP President Demands Answers After Black Female Candidate Detained in Handcuffs Following Restroom Altercation

YONKERS, NY — The former president of the Yonkers NAACP is demanding answers from the Yonkers Police Department, becoming the first Black community leader to speak out publicly about the detention of County Legislator candidate Kisha D. Skipper, the only person taken into custody following Wednesday night’s altercation at a candidates forum in Yonkers.

Tanika Inlaw-Chambers, who previously led the Yonkers branch — the same branch Skipper now serves as president — issued a written statement Friday to Black Westchester calling Skipper’s treatment “outrageous” and questioning why she was the only person detained.

According to the Yonkers Police Department, officers responded to the Beczak Environmental Education Center at approximately 8:25 p.m. on Wednesday, October 21, after a dispute between two women inside a restroom during a candidate forum. Police say a third woman, Donna Nolan — the mother of Skipper’s opponent, incumbent Legislator James Nolan — intervened and sustained an abrasion to her lip. Skipper was detained, transported to the Detective Division, and released without charges pending further investigation. Police say the investigation remains active and that it has not been determined to be politically motivated.

Skipper, a Democrat, has said she was followed into the restroom and acted to protect herself. Nolan, a Republican, has said Skipper attacked his mother. Early voting in the race begins Saturday, October 24, ahead of Election Day on Tuesday, November 3.

Inlaw-Chambers, a former New York State Senate candidate, says she is not prejudging the investigation — but insists the same standards of fairness must apply to everyone. Her full statement follows:


OUTRAGED, DISTURBED, AND DEMANDING ANSWERS!

As the former President of the Yonkers NAACP, I am absolutely outraged by the treatment of Kisha D. Skipper, a Black woman, community leader, and candidate for public office.

Since when does a woman lose her right to dignity, privacy, and personal safety simply because she is running for public office?

According to eyewitness accounts, Kisha was confronted and then followed into one of the most private spaces a human being can enter a bathroom! A place where any woman should have the reasonable expectation of privacy and personal security.

Let that sink in.

A Black woman is followed into a restroom, and reports being assaulted. Yet somehow, SHE is the one escorted away in handcuffs and detained by police!

Where is the outrage? Where is the accountability? And where is the equal treatment under the law?

I want to know why Kisha Skipper was the only person detained. What evidence justified that decision? Were the accounts of all parties given equal consideration? And what role, if any, did racial bias play in the response?

These are not unreasonable questions. These are questions that demand answers.

As someone who has spent decades fighting for civil rights, equality, and justice, I refuse to remain silent when a Black woman seeking public office is subjected to treatment that raises such serious concerns.

We cannot continue to tell Black women to lead, to serve, to stand up for their communities, and then remain silent when their own dignity and rights are called into question.

The Yonkers Police Department owes the public a thorough, transparent, and impartial investigation. The fact that Kisha Skipper was released without charges makes it even more important that the circumstances surrounding her detention be fully explained.

Let me be clear: I am not prejudging the outcome of the investigation. I am demanding that the same standards of fairness, dignity, and justice apply to EVERYONE.

Being a Black woman in America should never mean having to fight twice as hard to be treated fairly, especially when you are the one asking for protection.

I am watching. Our community is watching. And we deserve answers.

When something ain’t right. SPEAK UP!

Tanika Inlaw-Chambers
Former President, Yonkers NAACP
Former New York State Senate Candidate
Educator | Social Advocate | Civil Rights Activist

Early Voting Starts Tomorrow: Every Westchester Location, Hour & Deadline You Need for the Nov 3 Election

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Early voting for the November 3 General Election starts tomorrow — Saturday, October 24 — and runs for nine days through Sunday, November 1. Every registered voter in Westchester County can vote early, in person, at any of the county’s 25 early voting centers. You are not locked into your neighborhood site — if a location near your job, your church, or your child’s school is easier, use it.

Vote early, and you skip the Election Day lines entirely. If you vote during early voting, you do not vote again on Election Day.

Early Voting Days and Hours

All 25 centers follow the same schedule:

  • Saturday, October 24: 10 a.m. – 6 p.m.
  • Sunday, October 25: 10 a.m. – 6 p.m.
  • Monday, October 26: 8 a.m. – 4 p.m.
  • Tuesday, October 27: 12 p.m. – 8 p.m.
  • Wednesday, October 28: 8 a.m. – 4 p.m.
  • Thursday, October 29: 12 p.m. – 8 p.m.
  • Friday, October 30: 8 a.m. – 4 p.m.
  • Saturday, October 31: 10 a.m. – 6 p.m.
  • Sunday, November 1: 10 a.m. – 6 p.m.

If you are in line when a center closes, stay in line — you will be allowed to vote.

All 25 Westchester Early Voting Locations

Yonkers

  • Grinton I. Will Library, 1500 Central Park Avenue, Yonkers, NY 10710
  • Nodine Hill Community Center, 140 Fillmore Street, Yonkers, NY 10701
  • Riverfront Library, One Larkin Center, Yonkers, NY 10701

Mount Vernon

  • Doles Center, 250 S. 6th Avenue, Mount Vernon, NY 10550
  • Mount Vernon City Hall, 1 Roosevelt Square, Mount Vernon, NY 10550

New Rochelle

  • New Rochelle City Hall Annex, 90 Beaufort Place, New Rochelle, NY 10801
  • New Rochelle United Methodist Church, 1200 North Avenue, New Rochelle, NY 10804

White Plains / Greenburgh

  • Greenburgh Town Hall, 177 Hillside Avenue, White Plains, NY 10607
  • White Plains Public Library, 100 Martine Avenue, White Plains, NY 10601

Central and Sound Shore

  • Eastchester Public Library, 11 Oakridge Place, Eastchester, NY 10709
  • St. Gregory The Great Church, 215 Halstead Avenue, Harrison, NY 10528
  • Mamaroneck Town Center, 740 W. Boston Post Road, Mamaroneck, NY 10543
  • Rye Brook Firehouse, 940 King Street, Rye Brook, NY 10573
  • Resurrection Early Childhood Education Center, 88 Milton Road, Rye, NY 10580

Northern Westchester

  • Croton Municipal Building, 1 Van Wyck Street, Croton-on-Hudson, NY 10520
  • Hastings-on-Hudson Public Library, 7 Maple Avenue, Hastings-on-Hudson, NY 10706
  • Mt. Kisco Public Library, 100 E. Main Street, Mt. Kisco, NY 10549
  • Mt. Pleasant Community Center, 125 Lozza Drive, Valhalla, NY 10595
  • St. Ann’s School, 16 Elizabeth Street, Ossining, NY 10562 (note: St. Ann’s replaces the Joseph G. Caputo Community Center this year)
  • Peekskill Lincoln Depot Museum, 10 S. Water Street, Peekskill, NY 10566
  • Peekskill Neighborhood Center, 4 Nelson Avenue, Peekskill, NY 10566
  • Pound Ridge Town House, 179 Westchester Avenue, Pound Ridge, NY 10576
  • Somers Town House, 335 Route 202, Somers, NY 10589
  • Jefferson Village Annex, 3500 Hill Boulevard, Yorktown Heights, NY 10598
  • Yorktown Cultural Center, 1974 Commerce Street, Yorktown Heights, NY 10598

Not Registered Yet? Saturday Is Your Last Chance — and It’s “Golden Day”

Saturday, October 24 is the last day to register to vote in the November 3 General Election. Registration applications — by mail or online — must be received by the Board of Elections no later than October 24. (If you plan to register through the DMV website, that must be completed by Friday, October 23.)

October 24 is also New York’s “Golden Day”: you can register and vote on the same day. Go to any early voting center, register, and cast an affidavit ballot on the spot. Don’t let a missed deadline silence you — Golden Day exists for exactly this situation.

Not sure if you’re registered, or whether your registration is current? Check your status at voterlookup.elections.ny.gov — you can also see your sample ballot and find your Election Day polling place there.

Voting by Mail: Early Mail and Absentee Ballots

You now have two ways to vote by mail in New York:

  • Early Mail Ballot — ANY registered voter can request one. No excuse needed.
  • Absentee Ballot — for voters who will be out of the county on Election Day, are ill or disabled, are a caregiver for someone who is ill or disabled, are a patient in a Veterans hospital, or are detained in jail awaiting grand jury action or serving time for an offense other than a felony.

The deadlines that matter:

  • Saturday, October 24 — Last day the Board of Elections can receive your mail ballot application (by mail, online portal, email, or fax). If you haven’t applied yet, apply online today at the State Board of Elections ballot request portal (elections.ny.gov) or go in person.
  • Monday, November 2 — Last day to apply in person at the Westchester County Board of Elections.
  • Tuesday, November 3 (Election Day) — Last day to postmark your ballot, and last day to hand-deliver it (by 9 p.m.) to the Board of Elections, any early voting center, or any Election Day poll site in Westchester.
  • Tuesday, November 10 — Mailed ballots postmarked by Election Day must be received by this date to count.

How to return your ballot: Mail it in the prepaid return envelope (get it postmarked — don’t just drop it in a box on Election Day and assume; ask the post office for a postmark), or hand-deliver it to the Board of Elections office, any early voting center during early voting hours, or any poll site on Election Day by 9 p.m.

One critical warning: If you were issued a mail ballot and then show up to vote in person, you will not be able to vote on the machine. You can hand in your completed mail ballot, or vote by affidavit ballot — which is only counted after officials confirm your mail ballot was never received. Plan on one path and finish it.

Board of Elections extended vote-by-mail hours — The Board has moved to 445 Hamilton Avenue, 8th Floor, White Plains, NY 10601. The Vote By Mail department will be open late for applications and ballot drop-off: Saturday, October 24, 9 a.m.–6 p.m.; Tuesday, October 27 until 8 p.m.; Thursday, October 29 until 8 p.m.; and Saturday, October 31, 9 a.m.–6 p.m.

Election Day: Tuesday, November 3

Polls are open 6 a.m. to 9 p.m. Unlike early voting, on Election Day you must vote at your assigned polling place — the one for your address. Find yours at voterlookup.elections.ny.gov or the Board of Elections website. If you’re in line by 9 p.m., you can vote.

What’s on the Ballot

Governor and Lieutenant Governor. State Comptroller. State Attorney General. Your Representative in Congress. State Senator. Member of Assembly. Every seat in the Westchester County Legislature. State Supreme Court Justices for the 9th Judicial District. County Court Judge. Plus local offices and ballot propositions that vary by where you live.

Black Westchester has already done the homework on the races themselves — every candidate, every district — in our Complete 2026 Westchester Ballot Guide on BlackWestchester.com (“Know Before You Go”). Read it before you go, and pull up your own sample ballot at voterlookup.elections.ny.gov so there are no surprises in the booth.

Know Before You Go — Quick Facts

  • Check your registration now at voterlookup.elections.ny.gov. Problems are fixable today; they’re a crisis on Election Day.
  • First time voting after registering by mail? You may be asked for identification at the polls — a driver’s license, non-driver ID, or a current utility bill, bank statement, or government document with your name and address will do.
  • Moved recently? You can still vote. Go to the polling place for your new address and ask for an affidavit ballot.
  • Have a felony conviction? In New York, if you are not currently incarcerated for that conviction, you can register and vote — including if you are on parole or probation. Your rights are restored; use them.
  • Need help in the booth? Every site has accessible voting equipment, and you may bring someone to assist you. Ask any election inspector — that’s what they’re there for.
  • Questions or problems? Westchester County Board of Elections, 445 Hamilton Avenue, 8th Floor, White Plains, NY 10601 — (914) 995-5700. New York State Board of Elections voter hotline and the state Attorney General’s Election Protection Hotline are also available through Election Day.

Early voting results will be reported after 9 p.m. on Election Day, Tuesday, November 3.

Nine days. Twenty-five locations. No excuses. Make your plan today — and make sure your family, your block, and your church have one too.

— Black Westchester

A Bronx Miracle, 55 Years Later: The Sight Unseen Premieres on MNN Lifestyle

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NEW YORK, NY — Fifty-five years after a reported religious phenomenon captivated residents of the Bronx, the story is coming to New York City television.

The Sight Unseen, a hybrid documentary-drama exploring the reported 1971 appearance of a glowing Christian cross in the Bronx, will make its first television broadcast for the general public on MNN Lifestyle on Sunday, October 25, 2026, at 7 p.m. ET, with an encore presentation on Thursday, October 29, 2026, at 9 p.m. ET.

Presented by Harlem Film House and produced by Perspexsion, the film examines the phenomenon through the lenses of religion, faith, spirituality, eyewitness testimony, family memory, and historical documentation. Its New York City television debut brings the story back to the region where it originated and connects a deeply personal family account with a larger piece of Bronx religious and cultural history.

Writer and director Shawn Antoine II first learned about the story in 2016, when his great-aunt shared her memories with him during a hospital visit. His mother, Sharon Wilson-Antoine, was just six years old when the cross reportedly appeared. Years later, while conducting research at the Schomburg Center for Research in Black Culture, Antoine discovered a photograph of his mother, grandmother, and aunt that had appeared in The Amsterdam News as part of journalist Melvin Tapley’s reporting on the phenomenon. That discovery helped transform a family story passed down through generations into the foundation for The Sight Unseen.

The production itself became a community effort. More than 300 supporters from across the United States contributed $25,000 in one month to help bring the New York City-based project to life. Local businesses donated food and production space, while more than 60 members of the Harlem community were employed as cast and crew.

The result is a film that combines documentary investigation and dramatic storytelling while exploring questions of belief, memory, history, and what happens when extraordinary experiences become part of a family’s legacy.

Production Credits include: Director: Shawn Antoine II, Writer: Shawn Antoine II, Producers: Shawn Antoine II, Korstiaan Vandiver, Sultan Ali Jr., Timothy Mendonca and Sharon Wilson-Antoine, Executive Producers: Shawn Antoine II, Sharon Wilson-Antoine, CR Capers and Sir Shefik Macauley, and Directors of Photography: Marshall Wayne Cooper and David Williams

Where to Watch

MNN Lifestyle

Sunday, October 25, 2026 — 7 p.m. ET
Encore: Thursday, October 29, 2026 — 9 p.m. ET

Manhattan cable viewers can watch on:

  • FiOS Channel 34
  • RCN Channel 83
  • Spectrum Channels 56 and 1996

The broadcast will also be available via livestream through MNN Lifestyle.

Trailer: https://youtu.be/99x-cX_sSN4

Livestream: https://www.mnn.org/channels/mnn-lifestyle

About Harlem Film House: Harlem Film House is a 501(c)(3) nonprofit organization based in Harlem, New York, whose mission is “Change the Narrative.” The organization supports independent filmmakers through exhibition, education, professional development, and distribution.

About MNN: Founded in 1992, Manhattan Neighborhood Network (MNN) is Manhattan’s free cable network, serving approximately 500,000 cable subscribers. MNN operates facilities in Hudson Yards and Harlem and provides programming created by and for New York City communities.

Pastor Burnout: Recovery and Resurrection By Derek H. Suite, MD

Recognize, remember, release, resurrect — a self-check for faith leaders

I’ve had the joy over the years of working with pastors, ministers, and other faith leaders, and I still marvel at how much their work involves. I’m thinking of the responsibilities that continue after the service, when someone needs to talk, or when a call comes in about a situation nobody quite knows how to handle. Over time I, like many in the congregation, have noticed how easily the pastor’s own need for help can go unrecognized — and, like many, have not stopped to think much about it. I think that is partly because we are accustomed to seeing them respond, and because they do it so consistently, it may never occur to us how heavy the weight is.

Receiving help can also be unfamiliar for the pastor. Some wave it off because they know what other people are dealing with and feel uncomfortable asking anyone to make time for them. There is also something in the role itself. When you have been designated the helper — the one called to shepherd, to lead, to have the answer — being on the receiving end can feel odd, or like a departure from what you were set apart to do. The receiving posture does not come naturally to the spiritual leader, and few people offer it to you anyway, because they assume you are covered.

In my clinical work, I can set appointment hours, arrange breaks, and decide which cases I can accept. There is a fee for what I provide and some structure and timelines around the work. These parameters are not typically in place for pastors. A pastor may be the first (and only) person someone calls when a marriage is in trouble, a relative dies, or a family is frightened about something they have never faced before. That call can come late at night for several nights, long before anyone considers contacting a specialist. Even a pastor who has thought carefully about boundaries may have very little dependable help available. I often wonder how they are able to sustain that level of responsibility year after year, with the expectation that they will always be a call away.

I recall seeing the breadth of their work near the World Trade Center after 9/11. It was a time when people gathered around churches, mosques, and other places of worship, wanting to join hands and pray. They wanted comfort and help making sense of what had happened spiritually. Faith seemed to permeate the atmosphere. I remember people nodding and listening closely as clergy spoke—often in direct contrast to the caution and skepticism they showed when interacting with non-faith-based providers. I could tell that they were hearing something in those words that had a particular meaning for them.

“A bruised reed he will not break” is one of the phrases I remember that seemed to resonate with the survivors receiving care. There was something almost transcendent about those encounters, as I experienced them.

Months later, I spoke at a Heal the Healers retreat for pastors and ministers who were still responding to the aftermath. When I told them how much I appreciated their work, I was shocked by how many began to cry. Some said they felt like robots, just going and going. Others talked about feeling guilty about sleeping while people were hurting. Though physically and mentally depleted, many were still able to push through and work nonstop. They couldn’t quite make sense of that, and some wondered whether God was giving them a special anointing, or extra strength, to keep serving.

“Every healer needs a place and the space to heal.”

When they asked for my thoughts, I told them that every healer needs a place and the space to heal. We discussed what a place and space looked like for them individually. I also asked whether they would be open to sharing a moment of collective stillness, taking a little time to listen and see what thoughts or feelings came up. I had suggested a minute, but it became perhaps two or three as we began noticing sounds inside and outside the room. There was more sniffling and some weeping. It all felt sacred to me. When I asked afterward whether anyone felt comfortable sharing what had happened, some spoke of relief and peace, of feeling connected to themselves again.

I left that experience reflecting on their tenderness and honesty, and how much they needed space to be cared for. I wondered what it would take for them to have that space and feel able to use it. I did some reading with that question in mind. In rereading Luke I noticed Jesus finding a place to have some space, withdrawing to pray even as people sought his help (Luke 5:15–16). I wondered what Jesus was modeling in those moments of solitude and what might have been revealed, or perhaps restored, through silence and prayerful surrender. Over time, I developed these reflections on recognizing, remembering, releasing and resurrecting into a framework that guides my resilience and recovery workshops with healers and ministers.

Recognizing

Recognition could begin with taking a few moments to do an honest self-check: “What’s happening with me?” How have I been feeling compared with my usual self, and what has changed in my personal life? How have my sleep, eating, water intake, exercise, personal growth time, and recreational time been affected by my work or ministry?  What am I not discerning?  Is it time to take a break?

Remembering

Remembering might begin by reflecting on “who you are and whose you are.” This is familiar language to many Christian pastors. Knowing your individual identity and how it aligns with the bigger picture or divine order can bring perspective. It is worth considering how personally responsible you feel for solving every problem that comes your way, and whether remembering yourself as a vessel or messenger through which help can come would allow you some room to rest. It can be easy to deify shepherds and lose sight of them as also being “members of the flock” in God’s eyes, needing guidance and care themselves. Knowing who you are, recognizing your limits in any given situation, and returning to whose you are, with access to the source of all power, can make a real difference.

Releasing

I have come to appreciate that each person will likely need their own inventory of what makes release difficult. Thinking about what is holding you back, binding you, or making it difficult to let go is a solid place to start. What might you be holding on to, or overly attached to, that gets in the way of joy and peace of mind? Even the satisfaction of helping and the appreciation that comes with being needed can make it difficult to step away. Imagining what release would look like for you is also important because it can look different for each of us. An important lesson I learned is that letting go and letting God can involve learning to make peace with imperfect outcomes and finding a way to live with uncertainty. Taking a break can give you time to reflect while you are still working through that.

Resurrecting

When I use resurrecting, I’m thinking about something a person believed had ended or faded, becoming available in their life again. In Christianity, resurrection refers to Jesus rising from the dead. I’m also using the word figuratively here. Pastors and ministers often help us learn how to resurrect our lives even while they themselves are facing setbacks and disappointments. I have found it challenging to determine what constitutes resurrecting in the broader sense for those I work with, so we tend to build a specific, personal resilience plan that targets what needs resurrecting. For one pastor, that might mean returning to a part of life they had stopped enjoying. It may also involve a deeper trust that God can work through them when they are imperfect or have reached their limits. Asking about sleep and its challenges matters here. It can open a conversation about what keeps them awake and whether they wake with any sense of renewal.

I still think about that healing retreat, and the extraordinary pastors and ministers I know, and what it would take for them to have time like that in their everyday lives. Taking a sabbatical often seems impossible given the demands on them, but someone to cover calls or help protect an afternoon away may be possible. Those small arrangements matter if the pastor is going to have a place and space for reflection and recalibration.

References

Luke 5:15–16 (English Standard Version). Verse 16 reads, “But he would withdraw to desolate places and pray.”

Isaiah 42:3 (English Standard Version): “a bruised reed he will not break, and a faintly burning wick he will not quench; he will faithfully bring forth justice.”

If you need support

Faith-based counseling is available at Full Circle Health, PLLC  (332) 228-2896 to make an appointment. 

The 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline is available 24 hours a day by call or text. NAMI Westchester offers free support groups and referrals for individuals and families.

Derek H. Suite, MD

FULL CIRCLE HEALTH COLUMN

Derek H. Suite, MD

Derek H. Suite, MD, is an ordained minister, double board-certified in psychiatry and in sports and performance psychiatry, a graduate of the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, and the founder of Full Circle Health, PLLC. He consults to professional sports organizations. He is the host of the weekly SuiteSpot podcast and contributes monthly to Black Westchester Magazine, writing here in his personal capacity.

EL SALVADOR VS. HAITI’S GANGS: WILL BUKELE BRING HIS WAR ON GANGS TO HAITI?

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Haiti has fought for stability for years, but a new confrontation could change the course of its security crisis. El Salvador’s President Nayib Bukele, known internationally for his aggressive campaign against violent gangs, has announced a military rescue operation after four Salvadoran military personnel reportedly disappeared following an attack near Haiti’s capital, Port-au-Prince.

Now the world is watching to see if Bukele will bring the same approach that worked so well in El Salvador to Haiti. There’s a much bigger question we should be asking, though. If the Haitian state is incapable of protecting its people from violent criminal organizations, then is it right for the international community to be having meetings and issuing statements as innocent people are being murdered? Shouldn’t we allow those who are willing and able to step in and help restore order?

Four Missing Soldiers And A President’s Warning

On 18 October, four Salvadoran military aviation technicians were reportedly the subject of an attack as they were traveling through Croix-des-Bouquets (an area near Port-au-Prince where armed gangs have a very strong presence). Their vehicle was reportedly attacked and set alight, and the men had to escape. They have since gone missing.

Bukele said the Salvadoran personnel were supporting a medical evacuation as part of an international security mission. They were not engaged in an offensive combat operation at the time of the attack. Their role was to assist a country already in crisis in its ability to provide basic security and emergency services.

On 21 October, Bukele announced a rescue operation and told those responsible to bring the men back alive and unharmed. That statement raised the prospect of a more robust Salvadoran military response, though the extent of any further operation is not clear.

The President Who Confronted El Salvador’s Gangs

Bukele’s international reputation is built on his government’s campaign against MS-13, Barrio 18 and other violent gangs. For years these gangs ran the neighborhoods, ran the protection rackets, recruited the youth and terrorized families. In some cases, the gangs were in fact more in control of people’s lives than the state itself.

From 2022 onwards, Bukele has been ramping up security operations under a state of emergency. Tens of thousands of suspected gang members have been arrested, prisons have been expanded, and security forces have been deployed throughout the country. Homicides have reportedly plummeted, and many Salvadorans have seen a real improvement in their sense of security.

However, the results have been contentious. HR organizations have recorded numerous allegations of arbitrary arrest, deaths in custody, and due process violations. Critics maintain that Bukele’s government has eroded constitutional safeguards by concentrating power.

Those concerns are certainly worth looking at, but so too is the fact that for generations violent gangs have been terrorizing the communities of El Salvador. Public safety and government accountability aren’t two competing issues. People have a right to be safe from criminals, and that doesn’t mean they have to surrender their basic rights.

Haiti’s Gangs Are Holding A Nation Hostage

Haiti’s situation is so much more than just street crime. Armed gangs have established control over territories, have attacked state institutions, have disrupted transport and have driven families from their homes. In some areas, gangs have effectively determined who can go, who can do business, and who can get anything at all.

International reporting puts the figure at around 70% of Port-au-Prince being under gang control, and nearly 1.5 million Haitians have been displaced as a result of the violence. That’s families who have lost their homes, kids who can’t go to school, and businesses that can’t function without the constant threat of extortion.

Think about what that does to the economy of a country. How on earth do you start a business when criminals run the roads? How do you build generational wealth when your property is under constant threat? How can a government ever attract investment when it can’t guarantee the safety of its citizens?

No security, and you simply can’t develop economically. Education opportunities vanish, and families are left in survival mode. Haiti can’t build a future for itself whilst armed criminals have control of its communities.

Can Bukele’s Methods Work In Haiti

Some will look at El Salvador’s falling homicide figures and say Haiti needs the same aggressive approach. After years of gang violence, that argument is going to be very appealing to those who feel that the international community has spent far too long on the talk and not enough on the action.

But Haiti is not El Salvador. Bukele carried out his crackdown through the military, the police, the prisons and the various government institutions. Haiti is in a far deeper institutional crisis, with the security forces themselves struggling against well-armed organizations and having to rely on international assistance.

Military operations can disrupt the gangs, but security can only be maintained through working courts, properly trained police, good intelligence, and effective prosecution. If you take the gangs out of the area without having the institutions of the state in place, then they’re going to come back.

Haiti needs sustainable security, not yet another temporary military victory. Any international operation must also protect the civilian population and enable the Haitians to take back control of their own country.

Why International Intervention Has Failed To Deliver Lasting Security

Haiti has been the subject of numerous foreign interventions, peacekeeping missions, humanitarian programs and international assistance initiatives. It is still plagued by political instability, corruption, poverty and armed violence.

That history raises a very uncomfortable question. How much money has been spent in an attempt to stabilize Haiti, and what proportion of that money has actually resulted in any real improvement for the average Haitian?

International assistance should be judged on results, not on statements. Are the communities safer? Are the schools open? Are the businesses operating? Is the criminal element losing ground? Are the Haitian police getting the resources they need to maintain order?

Deploying more troops is of little use if the Haitian families are still trapped in their own communities. The objective should be a Haitian government that can protect its own people without being perpetually reliant on foreign military intervention.

What Black America Should Understand About Haiti

Black America needs to understand Haiti’s struggle. In 1804, Haiti became the first black republic in the world, having defeated the French colonial regime and liberated itself from slavery. The revolution proved that people denied their freedom could, in fact, create an independent nation.

That history is worth respecting, but respecting Haiti does not mean ignoring the problems it faces today. Political corruption, weak institutions, economic instability, foreign interference, and gang violence have all undermined the independence that the Haitians so desperately fought for.

Haiti is also directly connected to Black communities in the US. Haitian Americans have families, businesses, churches, and community groups all over the US in New York, Florida, Massachusetts, and so on. What’s happening in Haiti affects people in our own communities.

For Black America, Haiti’s situation should be a catalyst for a serious debate about political freedom and economic independence. Independence is not merely about having a flag, an anthem, and a set of elected officials. Independence means having the institutions, infrastructure, and economic base to protect your people.

THE PUBLISHER’S PERSPECTIVE: IF BUKELE HAS THE BALLS TO DO WHAT HAITI’S GOVERNMENT CANNOT, LET HIM!

I’m sick of the international meetings, the humanitarian pledges, the political posturing, and all the while the people of Haiti are still suffering. How many more people are going to be murdered, abducted, uprooted, and terrorized before someone actually does something? Haiti has been in crisis for years, and the Government has utterly failed in its most fundamental duty: to protect its own people.

If anyone can get the job done and Bukele has the guts and the spine to do what the Haitian government has utterly failed to do, then let him. I’m not in any position to be fiddling with the feelings of politicians or international organizations who have watched this country rot in their hands and produced absolutely nothing of any real substance. All I want is for Haitian families to be safe, for businesses to operate, for kids to be in school, and for ordinary people to go about their lives without fear.

Let’s stop pretending that sovereignty means anything to people who can’t even safely walk through their own neighborhoods. Haiti’s independence should mean that its people are free to live, work, own property, and raise families without criminals running their lives. International assistance should help restore that freedom, protect civilians, and strengthen Haitian institutions.

Another reality that American politicians simply don’t talk about is that many Haitians have come to this country looking for safety and economic opportunity as conditions in Haiti have become utterly intolerable. It’s time to fix Haiti so Haitians in America have a safe country to return to, rebuild in, invest in, and be proud of. That means creating the conditions for safe and voluntary return, not just forcing people back into a situation of violence.

Haiti doesn’t need another generation of people out there thinking that the only way to survive is to leave home. What it needs is security, jobs, schools that actually work, accountable, leadership, and an economy where people can build wealth rather than rely on foreign aid.

I’m not calling Bukele Haiti’s savior in any way whatsoever. I’m not suggesting a military solution will fix everything. But if he has shown that he can deal with the violent gangs and is prepared to help Haiti achieve what its own leadership has utterly failed to do, then why should we just automatically oppose him?

No more excuses, no more political rhetoric,, and no more international conferences that result in utterly meaningless promises. If Bukele has the nous to go head-to-head with Haiti’s gangs and actually bring law and order back to the country, then let him do it.

It’s time to make Haiti safe again for the people of Haiti today and for Haitians in America who are entitled to the chance to go back to a safe, prosperous, and independent Haiti.

THE WARNING BLACK AMERICA IGNORED: HOW THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND INTEGRATION FAILED TO DELIVER ECONOMIC FREEDOM

In 2005, legendary entertainer and civil rights activist Harry Belafonte delivered a warning that Black America should have taken seriously. Speaking before the Congressional Black Caucus, Belafonte challenged the Democratic Party, questioned the direction of the civil rights movement, and recalled a troubling conversation with Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. shortly before King’s 1968 assassination.

Belafonte recalled King expressing concern that the integration movement was leading Black Americans into a burning house. Think about that for a moment. Here was the man who helped lead the fight against segregation, questioning whether the movement was bringing Black Americans into a society whose economic and moral foundations were already in trouble.

Twenty-one years later, we need to ask ourselves whether King was right. Did we spend generations fighting to gain access to American institutions while failing to establish the economic independence necessary to control our own future? And did our overwhelming loyalty to the Democratic Party become part of the problem?

Dr. King’s Warning Was About More Than Integration

Dr. King wasn’t suggesting that segregation should continue. He understood that denying people access to education, employment, housing, and public accommodations was morally wrong. But toward the end of his life, King increasingly recognized that civil rights without economic opportunity would leave millions of Black Americans struggling despite their newly recognized freedoms.

Integration opened doors, but opening doors doesn’t automatically create wealth. We gained the right to shop wherever we wanted, but how many businesses did we build and protect? We fought to work in corporate America, but how much effort went into developing companies capable of employing our own communities? We demanded access to neighborhoods, but did we develop an economic strategy to increase Black homeownership?

Before integration, segregation forced Black Americans to develop businesses, financial institutions, and commercial districts because opportunities elsewhere were restricted. Those institutions existed despite discrimination, limited access to capital, and constant economic pressure. Integration created opportunities that Black Americans deserved, but it also exposed smaller Black businesses to competition from larger corporations.

The problem wasn’t integration itself. The problem was treating integration as the destination rather than one step toward economic independence. We gained greater freedom to participate in the American economy without gaining a comparable share of ownership in that economy.

The Democratic Party’s Political Monopoly on Black America

One of the most revealing parts of Belafonte’s 2005 speech was his criticism of the Democratic Party. He openly acknowledged being a lifelong Democrat, but reminded his audience that Democrats had not always been friends of Black Americans.

Historically, Southern Democrats defended segregation and Jim Crow. Following the civil rights movement, many white Southern conservatives gradually shifted toward the Republican Party. Meanwhile, Black voters increasingly aligned with Democrats, particularly after the civil rights legislation of the 1960s.

That political relationship became one of the strongest voting alliances in American politics. For decades, Black Americans have delivered overwhelming support to Democratic candidates, helping elect presidents, governors, mayors, members of Congress, and countless local officials.

But here’s the question we should have been asking all along. What has that political loyalty produced for the economic condition of Black America?

We have elected Black mayors in major cities, Black members of Congress, Black governors, and the first Black president. Yet many communities continue to struggle with poverty, failing schools, limited business ownership, and housing costs that make building generational wealth increasingly difficult.

I’m not suggesting that Democrats have accomplished nothing. Civil rights protections, healthcare programs, and other public policies have provided meaningful benefits. But political accountability requires examining what hasn’t worked, especially in cities where one party has controlled government for generations.

When politicians know they can count on your vote regardless of their performance, what incentive do they have to compete for your support? When your community believes voting for the other party is never an option, how much negotiating power do you really have?

And Republicans shouldn’t mistake this criticism for an endorsement. If Republicans want Black Americans to reconsider their political allegiance, they must demonstrate how their policies will improve economic opportunity, education, public safety, homeownership, and business development.

Neither party deserves unconditional loyalty.

Twenty-One Years Later, Where Is the Economic Progress?

In 2005, Belafonte spoke about poverty, incarceration, struggling schools, and the moral failures of American political leadership. Those concerns weren’t new then, and they certainly haven’t disappeared today.

According to the Federal Reserve’s 2022 Survey of Consumer Finances, median white family wealth was approximately $285,000, compared with approximately $45,000 for Black families. That difference demonstrates how far America remains from achieving economic equality.

Homeownership tells another troubling story. In late 2005, the Black homeownership rate was approximately 48 percent. By the second quarter of 2026, it was approximately 45 percent. Despite decades of political promises, Black homeownership has not improved sustainably beyond the level it was at when Belafonte delivered his warning.

We have witnessed tremendous individual accomplishments. Black Americans have become successful entrepreneurs, corporate executives, doctors, attorneys, entertainers, and elected officials. But individual success cannot substitute for broad economic advancement.

A Black mayor doesn’t automatically make Black residents homeowners. A Black corporate executive doesn’t guarantee Black-owned businesses access to capital. And electing a Black president doesn’t eliminate the economic challenges confronting millions of Black families.

We must stop confusing representation with results.

The Black Church and the Politics of Loyalty

We also need to examine the Black church’s role in maintaining political relationships. Historically, the church was one of the most important institutions in the civil rights struggle. It organized communities, challenged injustice, and provided leadership when other institutions refused to stand with Black Americans.

Today, however, too many churches have become comfortable providing politicians with an audience during election season without demanding serious accountability. Candidates are introduced from pulpits, applauded by congregations, and welcomed because of their political connections rather than their accomplishments.

The church should never become a haven for politicians who cannot explain what they’ve done for the people they represent. Whether Democrat or Republican, anyone seeking support from Black congregations should be prepared to answer questions about education, housing, employment, public safety, and economic opportunity.

Our ancestors didn’t sacrifice their lives so that future generations could become a permanent voting bloc for one political organization.

Black America Needs Economic and Political Independence

Belafonte’s warning wasn’t simply about switching political parties. It was about recognizing that political leadership had failed to confront the country’s deeper economic problems.

Black America needs to develop a political philosophy based on permanent interests rather than permanent party loyalty. We should support policies that strengthen families, expand homeownership, encourage entrepreneurship, improve education, reduce unnecessary economic burdens, and prepare our children for skilled trades, technology, and artificial intelligence.

We must also accept responsibility for our own economic decisions. Government cannot replace strong families, financial discipline, entrepreneurship, or community institutions. At the same time, personal responsibility doesn’t excuse government policies that restrict opportunity or make economic advancement unnecessarily difficult.

Political independence means Democrats must earn our votes. Republicans must earn our votes. Judge every candidate by what they can deliver, not simply by the party they represent.

No permanent friends. No permanent enemies. Only permanent interests.

The House Is Still Burning

Harry Belafonte warned Black America in 2005. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. had expressed his concerns decades earlier. Yet in 2026, we are still discussing many of the same economic and political problems.

The Democratic Party has benefited enormously from Black political loyalty, but that loyalty should come with expectations and accountability. Integration provided access to opportunities that previous generations were denied, but access alone was never enough to establish economic freedom.

We cannot spend another twenty-one years celebrating political appointments, election victories, and symbolic representation while failing to build the ownership and economic independence our communities need.

The question is no longer whether Dr. King recognized the danger of integrating into a burning house. The question is whether Black America has become so comfortable being allowed inside that we have forgotten the responsibility to change the conditions within it.

We fought for the right to enter the house. Now it’s time to stop depending on the people who control it and start building economic institutions, businesses, and generational wealth that we own.

Because political freedom without economic independence will always leave our future in somebody else’s hands.

Skipper Detained After Altercation With Opponent’s Mother at Yonkers Candidates Night

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Originally published October 21, 2026. Updated Thursday, October 22, 2026, at 4:56 p.m. to include a statement from the YPD.

YONKERS, N.Y. — Westchester County Legislator candidate Kisha D. Skipper was detained by YPD Wednesday night following an altercation with Donna Nolan, the mother of her opponent, incumbent Legislator James Nolan, during a candidates night at the Beczak Environmental Education Center, according to multiple sources.

Nolan, who told Black Westchester he was at the Yonkers Police Department’s detective division late Wednesday, said in a text message: “Skipper got locked up, and my mother went to the hospital. Skipper is on video throwing the first punch.”

At 2:48 AM, Skipper made her first public statement on her Facebook campaign page, which contradicts Nolan’s on-the-record text last night (“Skipper got locked up”), captioned, “More To Come…”

“No, I was not arrested. Yes, I was detained pending an investigation. Of course, I was released, and there will be more information forthcoming.” She also pushes early voting starting Saturday.

UPDATE: The Yonkers Police Department has issued its first statement on Wednesday night’s altercation at the Beczak Environmental Education Center. According to Detective Lieutenant Frank DiDomizio, the department’s public information officer, officers responding at approximately 8:25 p.m. “detained one involved female for further investigation.” Police say a verbal dispute between two women — one running for public office, the other a former member of her campaign staff — inside a restroom “escalated into a physical confrontation,” during which a third woman, the mother of another candidate, “reportedly attempted to intervene, and sustained an abrasion to her lip.” She was treated at a local hospital and released. The detained woman was taken to the Detective Division and “subsequently released without charges pending further investigation,” and was also transported to a hospital for a complaint of pain. Police say no one is in custody, no criminal charges have been filed against any party, and the incident “appears to have precipitated from a personal matter and has not been determined to be politically motivated.” The investigation remains active.

According to an attendee who described the sequence to Black Westchester and asked not to be identified, Donna Nolan and a companion approached Skipper with a question and words were exchanged; Skipper then entered a restroom, and the two women followed her in, where a fight ensued. Attendees said Donna Nolan emerged bloody and was taken from the venue by ambulance, and that Skipper was handcuffed and taken away. Video recorded by an attendee and obtained by Black Westchester shows a commotion at a restroom doorway as attendees separated the parties and escorted a woman from the area.

Yonkers Voice, which posted video of officers escorting Skipper from the building to a patrol car as an Empress EMS ambulance stood by, reported that the exchange began when Skipper was asked about alleged illicit donations to her campaign and left for the restroom without answering.

In the video, Skipper tells Yonkers Voice, “I was assaulted by Donna Nolan and [could not make out second name] and I am the one who is being…” as officers escort her from view.

The candidates’ night, sponsored by the Ludlow Park Residents Association and the Hudson River Community Association and moderated by Yonkers Ledger political editor Phil Zisman, ran from 6 to 8:30 p.m. at 35 Alexander St. and featured candidates for federal, state and local office, including U.S. Rep. George Latimer and State Senate Majority Leader Andrea Stewart-Cousins.

Black Westchester first contacted the Yonkers Police Department on Wednesday night. The department issued its statement Thursday afternoon (see update above) and says the incident remains under active investigation by its Detective Division

Skipper, president of the Yonkers branch of the NAACP, is the Democratic challenger for the District 15 County Legislature seat held by Nolan, a Republican. Early voting begins Saturday, October 24, with Election Day on Tuesday, November 3.

The incident took place the same day Black Westchester published former Skipper campaign treasurer Larnez Kinsey’s account of her resignation from the campaign amid questions about its finance filings.

We are also told there are Black leaders upset that Skipper was the only one taken out in handcuffs and detained; we are in the process of seeing if we can get anyone to speak on the record.

This is a developing story. Black Westchester will update it as more information becomes available!

KEEP MY NAME OUT OF YOUR NARRATIVE By Larnez Kinsey

I volunteered my time. I walked away. Six months later, why am I still being pulled into a campaign I left behind?

Imagine getting up in the morning, preparing to handle your responsibilities, checking on your family, answering business emails, and planning another day of community work. Then you come across a news article about a political campaign you walked away from six months earlier. Somehow, your former position is still part of the conversation about its problems. You read it again, trying to understand why a chapter you deliberately closed keeps finding its way back into your life. At some point, exhaustion stops looking like exhaustion and starts looking like a boundary that needs to be enforced.

Since leaving Kisha for Westchester, the political campaign of Kisha D. Skipper, people have approached me with troubling accounts of negative statements allegedly made about my character. Some have attributed those statements to Skipper. I cannot verify conversations I did not witness, and I will not pretend otherwise. But when I encountered an article discussing the campaign’s filing problems, I felt that the reporting left readers with an incomplete understanding of my involvement. I had already spent months separating myself from that campaign. I did not expect to find myself explaining that separation again.

Let’s establish the facts, because the timeline deserves more attention than the assumptions.

On January 21, 2026, I accepted the unpaid position of campaign treasurer. What began as one responsibility expanded into event planning, communications, outreach, relationship management, and countless tasks that had little to do with the title I originally accepted. I was doing this while working demanding hours inside a maximum-security forensic psychiatric facility, raising a family, and maintaining my commitments to community organizations. I was volunteering my professional experience, not auditioning to become somebody’s permanent problem solver.

There were nights when I finished a difficult shift and still had campaign calls waiting. My feet hurt. My mind was tired. My family deserved my attention, but another responsibility always seemed to need something from me. I kept showing up because I believed the work mattered. Eventually, I had to confront the difference between supporting an organization and becoming the person expected to compensate for everything it lacked. Sometimes the system isn’t working. You are.

I verbally resigned on March 29. My final day of campaign involvement was April 2. I returned the campaign bank card on April 14. Skipper was aware of my departure. I submitted formal resignation paperwork on May 14, resubmitted documentation on June 22, and received approval from the New York State Board of Elections on August 4. Those dates are not opinions. They are part of a documented sequence of events.

On June 17, while the Board’s records still identified me as treasurer, I received correspondence from its enforcement counsel concerning the campaign’s 11-Day Pre-Primary Report, which was due June 12. The correspondence warned of potential personal penalties. I had already submitted resignation paperwork more than a month earlier. I responded that same day and continued pursuing formal removal. That experience showed me how consequential it can be when an administrative record does not reflect a person’s actual departure. It does not automatically resolve every legal reporting obligation, but it is essential context.

The June report and the October 2 filing discussed in the Ledger article are separate matters. The October filing came due after the Board had approved my resignation. That distinction deserves attention. Anyone examining the campaign’s reporting history should identify the relevant reporting period, who was legally responsible, what records were available, and what occurred after my involvement ended. A former title alone cannot answer those questions.

During my time with the campaign, I was not provided complete access to its banking information and financial records. I worked with the documentation available to me. I am prepared to discuss those limitations and provide supporting correspondence. I understand that accepting a treasurer position carries responsibilities, and I am not claiming that resignation automatically erases obligations incurred during service. But accountability must be established through evidence, not inferred from the convenience of having one familiar name attached to a problem.

And since we’re correcting the record, let me address something else. Kisha Skipper and I were not friends. She may have understood our relationship differently, but I viewed it as professional. I entered that campaign to contribute my skills, not to establish a personal bond. I have since heard suggestions that my concerns stem from the end of a friendship. That explanation does not reflect my experience. My decision to leave was about my professional boundaries and the circumstances I encountered, not wounded feelings.

What troubles me most is the expectation that a woman should continue carrying an organization’s weight after she has decided to put it down. I gave my time without compensation, shared relationships I had spent years developing, and accepted responsibilities beyond my original role. Those were choices I made in good faith. But generosity is not an unlimited contract, and being capable does not mean being permanently available.

I am still building the next chapter of my life in Westchester, expanding relationships and creating opportunities rooted in service. What saddens me is the possibility that people in Yonkers may encounter an incomplete account of my character before getting to know me through my own work. I came here to build something meaningful. I did not come to spend my energy defending myself against conversations I was never invited into.

There are things I witnessed and experienced during my involvement that I have chosen not to discuss publicly. That is a deliberate decision. Serious matters deserve documentation, context, and a fair examination of the facts. I have no interest in making unsupported accusations or reopening every disagreement. But choosing restraint does not mean accepting responsibility that has not been established.

This experience has also made me question how we define leadership. It is easy to praise volunteers when they are answering calls, filling gaps, and making things happen. But what happens when one of them says, “I can no longer do this”? Does the organization acknowledge the contribution and respect the departure, or does the person who left become part of the explanation for everything that follows? Leadership is tested not only by how people are welcomed, but by how their boundaries are respected.

I welcome the opportunity to sit down with the journalist, share my correspondence, and answer questions about my actual involvement. I am prepared to acknowledge mistakes supported by evidence. I am equally prepared to challenge conclusions that overlook relevant dates, records, and responsibilities. I do not need special treatment. I expect accuracy.

I have a family to love, businesses to build, and a community to serve. My work did not begin with this campaign, and my future will not be defined by it. I have already given more than enough of my energy to an experience I chose to leave behind.

So if my name is going to appear in another conversation about this campaign, examine the complete timeline. Ask who had access to the records. Distinguish my period of service from what happened afterward. And give readers the context necessary to understand the difference.

I will take responsibility for what I did. I will not accept blame for what has not been established.

I gave my time. I did not give anyone ownership of my reputation.

My name is not a favor. My integrity is not negotiable. And my departure is not your excuse.

Fair Access Is Not a Favor By Larnez Kinsey

The federal debanking report named nine banking giants. In Westchester, the question is closer to home.

Washington has found a new word for an old experience: debanking. Black communities did not need a federal report to understand what happens when a financial institution decides that a person, a business, or an entire neighborhood is too risky, too complicated, or simply not worth the investment. Our grandparents knew redlining. Our parents knew what it meant to be denied and told to try somewhere else. Our entrepreneurs know the loan that never came through, the branch that never opened, and the partnership that never moved beyond a polite conversation. Different generations, different explanations, familiar consequences.

On October 14, 2026, the Office of the Comptroller of the Currency released a report titled Guaranteeing Fair Banking for All Americans. The OCC examined policies and practices at nine major national banks: JPMorgan Chase, Bank of America, Citibank, Wells Fargo, U.S. Bank, Capital One, PNC Bank, TD Bank, and BMO Bank. According to the report, between 2020 and September 2025, all nine maintained policies or practices that may have influenced decisions to deny or limit financial services based on customers’ political or religious beliefs or lawful business activities.

The report raised concerns about broad reputational-risk policies that lacked sufficiently clear, objective standards. It also examined restrictions affecting industries such as fossil fuels, firearms, tobacco, detention facilities, and digital assets. Comptroller Jonathan V. Gould declared, “Fair access to financial services is not a mantra. It is a mandate.” The Consumer Financial Protection Bureau subsequently announced that it would examine whether the institutions identified in the report, and potentially others, complied with applicable federal consumer financial laws.

The OCC report did not impose fines or establish that every questioned decision violated the law. Banks maintain that they must consider legitimate legal, financial, compliance, and reputational risks. Those distinctions matter. But so does the larger question: Who gets labeled a risk, who gets recognized as an opportunity, and who gets to challenge the standards being applied? When Washington raises concerns about financial exclusion affecting lawful businesses and politically controversial customers, communities that have struggled with unequal access to capital have every reason to pay attention. Fair treatment cannot depend on whose exclusion attracts national attention.

The African American Chamber of Commerce of the Hudson Valley has been asking a related question closer to home. What does meaningful financial access look like when a bank operates in a community, accepts deposits, builds customer relationships, and benefits from local economic activity? Consider Trustco Bank. According to figures from its previous Community Reinvestment Act evaluation for the New York combined statistical area, the bank held approximately $424 million in deposits. During the evaluation period, examiners identified three community development loans totaling approximately $1.1 million, twelve charitable donations totaling approximately $36,000, and no branches in low-income census tracts within the assessment area. Lending and service received Low Satisfactory ratings, alongside concerns about the geographic distribution of home mortgage lending. These figures describe specific aspects of the bank’s CRA performance, not the entirety of its lending or community investment activity. But they raise legitimate questions about whether the credit needs of underserved neighborhoods are being adequately addressed.

Behind those numbers is the entrepreneur in Mount Vernon who has customers waiting but cannot purchase another piece of equipment. The mother operating a business from her kitchen table, hoping to leave her children something more than bills. The nonprofit director who knows which families need food, which young people need employment, and which small businesses need assistance, but spends more time searching for funding than delivering services. These are not abstract economic indicators. These are lives, livelihoods, and opportunities that can disappear when access to capital remains out of reach.

The Chamber presented Trustco Bank with its Prosperity Circle initiative, a proposed six-month entrepreneur development and capital-readiness program. The model includes cohorts of 10 to 15 entrepreneurs, a four-week Capital Readiness Bootcamp, business coaching, and a proposed pathway to $1,000 microloans through a participating financial institution, subject to independent underwriting and approval. The Chamber offered recruitment, education, coaching, program management, and relationships within the communities the program would serve. We were asking a financial institution to consider contributing the expertise and financial partnership that a community organization cannot provide alone. To date, no partnership has been approved and no financing has been committed.

That outcome does not, by itself, establish discrimination or a CRA violation. But it illustrates why community organizations must document both their needs and their efforts to build solutions. On October 20, the Chamber submitted a formal CRA public comment concerning Trustco’s performance and requested engagement with its community development leadership. The question is not whether a bank must approve every proposal. The question is whether underserved communities can see a meaningful pathway from identifying a financial need to receiving serious consideration for a solution.

Our experience with Apple Bank raised another concern. On August 27, 2026, the Chamber sponsored a community networking event, How to Plan, Pay & Execute a Trip, at Double Door Event Space in Mount Vernon. We had communicated with Ruby Zayas, an Apple Bank assistant vice president and branch manager at its Larchmont branch, who had indicated several weeks earlier that she would attend and present a financial literacy session. During our confirmation the day before the event, we received an email explaining that she was on vacation. Apple Bank did not attend, no substitute was provided, and the promised financial literacy presentation did not take place.

Forty-five people attended that gathering, including elected officials. Forty-five people who could have benefited from a conversation about budgeting, credit, savings, and financial planning. The absence of a promised educational session may appear small inside a financial institution, but it matters to a community organization that invested time, relationships, and credibility in bringing people together. When we subsequently raised the matter with Ms. Zayas, we found her response dismissive of our concerns. That is our characterization of the exchange, and the bank should have an opportunity to provide its perspective.

On October 20, the Chamber submitted a public comment to the New York State Department of Financial Services, with copies to Apple Bank and a comment addressed to the FDIC, concerning the bank’s community reinvestment performance ahead of its anticipated fourth-quarter federal CRA examination. According to the state evaluation cited in our comment, Apple Bank’s Investment Test was rated Low Satisfactory, with approximately $665,000 in qualified grants across its nine-county assessment area. Community development lending was also rated Low Satisfactory, and the one Westchester branch opened during the evaluation period was located in an upper-income census tract. Those findings deserve public examination alongside the bank’s broader lending, investment, and service record.

A missed presentation is not the same as unlawful debanking. An unapproved partnership is not proof of discrimination. And a CRA rating must be understood within the full examination record. But these experiences raise a question that connects national banking policy to local economic reality: What does accountability look like when financial institutions benefit from a community but the community struggles to secure meaningful engagement, investment, and access?

In September, I sat in a Westchester County budget meeting and listened as County Executive Ken Jenkins discussed the financial pressure created by federal budget cuts. The message I took away was that local government would have to do less with fewer resources. I thought about the families already stretching groceries until payday, the youth programs struggling to keep their doors open, and the small-business owners whose next contract could mean employment for someone living right down the block.

When public resources shrink, the needs of our communities do not disappear. They become heavier for the people already carrying the most. We cannot tell families to survive with less while allowing millions of dollars to circulate through our communities without asking how those financial institutions are helping those same communities build wealth.

The Community Reinvestment Act exists to encourage banks to help meet the credit needs of the communities they serve, including low- and moderate-income neighborhoods, consistent with safe and sound banking practices. It does not guarantee every entrepreneur a loan or every nonprofit a grant. It does, however, establish a framework for examining whether banks are responding to community credit needs through lending, investment, and services.

And that is where the public has a role.

When a bank undergoes its CRA examination, regulators review its performance and can consider relevant public comments received within the applicable examination process. This is an important opportunity for residents, entrepreneurs, nonprofit leaders, and community advocates to document what financial access looks like in their neighborhoods. The examination will move forward whether we participate or not. The question is whether the record will reflect the people who live with the consequences of these decisions.

Have you struggled to obtain financing for your business? Does your neighborhood lack accessible banking services? Has your organization identified a need for affordable housing, financial education, or small-business investment? Have you approached a financial institution with a community development proposal and received no meaningful response? These experiences deserve to be documented accurately, supported by evidence when possible, and presented to the appropriate regulators.

You do not need a law degree to explain what your neighborhood lacks. You do not need to own a million-dollar business to describe the barriers standing between your work and your next opportunity. But your experiences are more powerful when they become part of a documented public record rather than conversations that never leave the kitchen table, the barbershop, the church basement, or the community meeting.

That is why the African American Chamber of Commerce of the Hudson Valley is inviting residents, entrepreneurs, nonprofit organizations, and community advocates to participate in our next Community Reinvestment Comment Lab. Through the Lab, participants learn how to examine public banking records, understand the CRA process, identify community credit needs, and prepare informed public comments that regulators can consider.

I am encouraging you to help the Chamber build a pathway connecting financial institutions doing business in our communities with the residents, entrepreneurs, and organizations seeking access to capital, financial education, and community development opportunities. We should not have to wait until another business closes, another family loses economic stability, or another community program disappears before asking whether the institutions collecting deposits in our neighborhoods are doing enough to support their future.

Contact the African American Chamber of Commerce of the Hudson Valley to learn about our next Community Reinvestment Comment Lab. Email info@aacchudsonvalley.org, call 914-953-0877, or visit www.aacchudsonvalley.org. Public comments should be submitted early enough to meet the applicable regulator’s examination deadlines.

The banks have their financial statements. The regulators have their examination procedures. Our communities have generations of experiences that deserve to be heard. Let Washington investigate the nine banking giants. Let regulators examine whether the law has been followed. But do not allow the national conversation about fair access to end before it reaches the entrepreneur in Mount Vernon, the family in Yonkers, or the neighborhood organization trying to build something that will outlast the next budget cut.

Fair access is not a favor. It is an obligation. And accountability begins when our communities refuse to remain outside the conversation.