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18,000 JOBS FOR MIGRANTS — BUT WHERE IS THE BLACK EMPLOYMENT EMERGENCY?

New York Found the Resources, Personnel, and Political Will to Address Migrant Employment. Black New Yorkers Deserve to Know Why Their Employment Crisis Has Not Received the Same Urgency.

What New York has shown us about government is that when political leaders treat a problem as an emergency, the government can act swiftly. Agencies can coordinate, workers can be assigned, employers can be recruited, barriers can be removed, money can be made available, and public campaigns can be launched. The machinery of government then becomes surprisingly efficient whenever politicians decide that a particular issue merits immediate attention.

That is precisely what took place when the administration of Governor Kathy Hochul dealt with the migrant crisis. In October 2023 the governor declared that New York had found more than 18,000 job vacancies at 379 employers who were willing to employ migrants and asylum seekers who had obtained legal work authorization. The state set up a registration procedure, dealt directly with employers, started a public awareness campaign and assigned 70 state employees from 16 agencies to the initiative. Hochul described the policy in simple terms by saying “Migrants and asylum seekers came to this country to work — so let’s get them working.”

There is no inherent flaw in assisting legally admitted migrants in becoming self-sufficient, since getting them out of shelters that are funded by taxpayers and into work can cut public expenditures while enabling them to support themselves. What Black New Yorkers ought to be asking is not why help was given to migrants, but rather why the government has not shown the same level of focused urgency in addressing a Black employment problem that was present long before the migrant buses began arriving in New York.

Where is the Black Emergency?

It’s not just a question of perception; figures from New York itself show the issue.

In April 2026 the New York State Comptroller, Thomas DiNapoli, stated that Black unemployment in New York City was 8.9 per cent in 2025, which was more than three times the unemployment rate for White New Yorkers; his office also pointed out that Black New Yorkers formed one of the demographic groups suffering from persistently high unemployment.

The pattern is striking: Black unemployment remained the highest of the three groups in every year shown. It fell from about 10.8% in 2022 to 8.3% in 2024, but increased again to 8.9% in 2025. Meanwhile, White unemployment was 2.6% in 2025, meaning the Black rate was more than three times as high. Hispanic unemployment was 6.3%

Consider this from a logical point of view: although thousands of migrants had a need for work, New York had identified employers, brought in 16 agencies, assigned 70 state employees and set up a system that linked people directly with jobs that were available, the unemployment rate among Black New Yorkers is more than three times that of White New Yorkers—so where then was the similar statewide employment campaign for Black people?

What about the 70 state employees who have been specifically assigned to bridge that gap? What has happened to the hundreds of employers who have been recruited as part of a drive to promote Black employment? Where is the statewide portal that links unemployed Black New Yorkers with employers? And where is the governor standing in front of the podium declaring that Black unemployment is unacceptable and setting out measurable targets for reducing it?

Those questions are not opposed to immigration; they support accountability.

NY HELPS Proves Government Can Remove Barriers

New York has also shown it can rethink how it hires government staff. In June 2026, Hochul extended NY HELPS until June 2028; the program facilitates hiring for a large number of state and local government jobs by temporarily removing the normal civil-service examination requirements for eligible posts. The program has already made over 60,000 appointments.

Once more, NY HELPS is not a programme for migrants. The vacancies are available to qualified members of the public, including Black New Yorkers. Yet the fact that it exists shows the bigger truth: Albany knows how to identify obstacles to employment and will alter the system when it considers it necessary.

This raises another reasonable question: of those more than 60,000 appointments, how many were allocated to Black New Yorkers? How many were given to Black men? How many came from areas that have consistently suffered from high unemployment? How many came from neighborhoods in which generations of families have paid taxes to New York but are still unable to secure stable middle-class employment?

The government ought to make those results public. A program shouldn’t be assessed merely by how many people it has employed; we should also know whether it has reduced the employment disparities the government was already aware of.

This Is Bigger Than Jobs 

The frustration many Black people in New York feel is not something that occurs on its own; employment is only one element of a much bigger affordability and opportunity issue.

If you look at transportation, the New York congestion-charging scheme charges most E-ZPass passenger vehicles $9 when entering Manhattan below 60th Street during peak times. Certain eligible drivers receive discounts and exemptions, and the administration says that congestion pricing reduces traffic, improves air quality, and provides funds for mass transit. These are the benefits that the administration has stated.

Policy should also be viewed from the perspective of the ordinary worker who has to pay the bills. A home health aide, a tradesman, a small-business owner, a delivery person, or another worker who has to drive does not see government policy as a press release; instead, he experiences it through his E-ZPass account, his utility bill, his mortgage payment, his rent, and his property-tax bill.

Housing poses the same problem. The high price of property has made homeownership increasingly out of reach for many working families. This is particularly important for Black families, since homeownership is still one of the main ways generational wealth is built and passed on. If housing costs rise faster than families can increase income and save money, telling people the economy is growing becomes almost meaningless; they can’t buy an asset where they live.

Property tax bills make the problem of affording housing worse. So do rising energy costs. Each extra recurring expense for a household leaves less money for saving, investing, starting businesses, educating children, and passing on assets to the next generation.

What the government should do is to begin assessing its policies according to their outcomes rather than their intentions.

Family Policy Matters Too

The controversy surrounding the use of family terms is once again an example of Albany’s priorities causing debate. Presently, New York law enables each parent to decide whether or not to be listed on a birth certificate as “father”, “mother”, or “parent”.

On its own, in 2026 lawmakers introduced legislation which would have substituted gender-neutral terms, such as “gestating parent” and “non-gestating parent”, for the terms “mother”, “father” and others in certain parts of state law. The proposal received opposition from lawmakers who asked Hochul to veto it.

It is possible for people to disagree about that piece of legislation, but Black New Yorkers have a right to question why Albany can devote political energy to redefining the terminology in the statutes when the basic economic inequalities are still not being addressed.

For communities facing unemployment, underperforming schools, unaffordable housing, high property taxes, and rising household expenses, government priorities are not merely abstract cultural discussions. They show citizens which issues their government regards as urgent.

Political Loyalties Should Produce Political Accountability 

Here’s an unpleasant political question.

Black voters have for a long time been one of the Democratic Party’s most reliable groups of supporters. It doesn’t follow that each and every Black voter is a Democrat, nor does it mean that Black people in New York vote as a single bloc. What it does mean is that Democratic candidates have obtained strong support from Black voters in recent elections, which has led to the reasonable assumption that the issues which affect Black communities most should be given serious consideration by Democratic governments.

Voting must never turn into a blank check.

Political support must lead to tangible political results. If unemployment is still greatly higher, then you should inquire as to the reason. If homeownership continues to be difficult, you should examine what policies are affecting that situation. If property taxes are severely undermining working homeowners, call for concrete relief. If rising energy costs are damaging households, ask for a strategy to ensure affordability. If the government is setting up employment infrastructure for one group of people, then you should question why communities that have long suffered from unemployment disadvantages have not received similar attention.

Those are not Republican questions or Democratic questions. They are questions about responsibility.

Black voters should be able to question Hochul in the same way that they should be able to question a Republican governor, a Democratic mayor, a Republican county executive or anyone else who is exercising government power.

The Standard Must Be Outcomes

Governor Hochul ought to explain a specific plan her administration has to reduce Black unemployment. Rather than setting up another commission, rather than having another listening session, rather than making another diversity statement, what is the target? What is the schedule? How many people are going to get jobs? How many apprenticeships will result in permanent careers? How many Black New Yorkers are entering state employment via NY HELPS? How many are becoming homeowners? By how much has the Black unemployment gap in fact decreased?

New York has shown that the government can get things going when it decides to, as shown by the migrant employment initiative. Instead of taking the initiative themselves, seventy state employees and sixteen agencies did not act. The state had decided that coordinated action was necessary because of the situation.

Black New Yorkers are entirely justified in requiring the same level of seriousness about disparities that have existed for decades.

This issue is even bigger than the question of migrants; it is about whether political loyalty translates into real economic progress and whether those who have lived in the country, worked in it, raised their families in it, and paid taxes in it can stay and build wealth here.

When people have to drive, tolls and congestion charges are important. If homeowners have difficulty staying in their homes, property taxes become a concern. Real estate prices matter when the younger generation can no longer afford to buy. When households must decide which bills to pay first, energy costs matter. Family policy matters when Albany changes its long-established terminology while many families ask the government to focus on their economic survival. Above all, employment matters because without steady income, all the other problems become harder.

For Black New Yorkers, the issue must be whether or not someone else is entitled to help, since that way politicians can shirk their responsibilities by pitting one struggling community against another. The more appropriate question is straightforward: if the New York government has the means and political will to develop specific remedies in an emergency affecting another group, why has the ongoing disparity in Black employment not prompted a similarly targeted response?

As long as Albany cannot answer that question with actual, measurable results rather than empty talk, the employment imbalance should be included in the wider discussion of affordability, taxation, housing, energy, and government priorities. Although these policies do not share the same causes or effects and reasonable people might still disagree about each one in isolation, the total effect deserves examination by Black New Yorkers who have given substantial political support to Democratic candidates yet continue to face serious economic disadvantages.

For Black New Yorkers and indeed for Black America as a whole, the criterion should now be results rather than speeches, symbolism, or allegiance to the party. When a policy leads to higher costs, it should be clear who ends up bearing them. When a jobs scheme creates opportunities, it should be clear who gets them. And if the government says it is promoting equity, then it should be checked whether long-standing disparities actually decrease.

Because political support without measurable progress is not an outcome. It is an unanswered question.

League of Women Voters to Host Assembly District 90 Candidate Forum

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YONKERS, N.Y. — The League of Women Voters of the Rivertowns will host a virtual candidate forum featuring the two candidates seeking to represent New York State Assembly District 90.

Democrat Frank Jereis and Republican John Isaac will participate in the forum on Wednesday, October 7, 2026, from 7 to 8 p.m. The event will be held as a Zoom webinar and is open to the public with advance registration.

Residents can register to watch the forum live at https://bit.ly/assemblydistrict90.

Questions for the candidates must be submitted in advance, either during registration or by email at info@lwv-rivertowns.org. The deadline to submit questions is 6 p.m. Monday, October 5. According to the League, questions will be reviewed by a committee of League members and provided to the moderator before the forum begins.

Jereis and Isaac are competing for the open Assembly District 90 seat currently held by Assemblyman Nader Sayegh, who is not seeking another term. Jereis won the Democratic primary in June, while Isaac is the Republican nominee.

The forum will be recorded and made available afterward through the League of Women Voters of the Rivertowns YouTube channel and at www.lwv-rivertowns.org.

The general election will be held Tuesday, November 3, 2026.

Stay tuned to Black Westchester for continued coverage of the 2026 election.

THE BODY HAS BEEN SPEAKING: What 1,284 Reiki Sessions Are Asking Us to Notice

68 percent reported deep relaxation or calm. 53 percent reported bodily or somatic sensations. 29 percent described emotional experiences. 18 percent described spiritual or symbolic experiences. Those numbers come from an analysis of 1,284 client reports collected through 99 Reiki practices across the United States.

In 2026, researchers returned to those 1,284 sessions with another question: Were the things people experienced during Reiki associated with changes in how they felt afterward?

The findings were intriguing. Positive emotions during Reiki were associated with higher reported well-being and reduced anxiety. Bodily sensations, including warmth and tingling, were associated with greater pain relief. Emotional release was also associated with improved well-being through reductions in anxiety. The study identified associations rather than proving that Reiki caused those changes, an important distinction when talking about complementary wellness practices.

As a Reiki Master Teacher, I read those findings differently than someone encountering Reiki for the first time.

Because I have been in the room.

I have watched someone arrive carrying their entire week in their shoulders. Phone still in their hand. Jaw tight. Breathing shallow. Apologizing because they are running late while still answering somebody else’s text as I am trying to give them permission to finally stop.

Sometimes I think that is the part of healing we do not talk about enough.

Some people have become so accustomed to being needed that receiving care feels unfamiliar.

What Happens When Nobody Needs Anything From You?

There is a moment I have witnessed during Reiki that is difficult to capture in a photograph. It happens after the talking stops and the phone has been placed somewhere out of reach. The body is finally still. There is no meeting to facilitate, child calling your name, employee waiting for an answer, family member needing something fixed or community crisis requiring you to become the strong one again.

For once, nobody needs anything from you.

At first, the body does not always know what to do with that.

Some people fidget. Some swallow repeatedly. Some take several minutes before their breathing changes. Then slowly, something softens. The fingers that were curled begin to open. The shoulders sink a little deeper. The forehead smooths. The breath that had been living somewhere around the collarbone begins traveling farther down.

Sometimes I notice a tear slide quietly toward someone’s ear.

They are not sobbing. They may not even know why they are crying.

And I do not rush over and assign meaning to it.

I let the tear belong to them.

Because every sensation does not need somebody standing over you telling you what it means. Sometimes your body simply needs permission to experience itself.

Warmth, Tingling, Tears and Stillness

People frequently ask me, “What am I supposed to feel during Reiki?”

My answer is always some version of this: You do not have to feel anything for me.

An earlier analysis of the 1,284 client reports found a wide range of experiences. Deep relaxation and calm were the most common, followed by bodily sensations and emotional experiences. Some clients described spiritual or symbolic experiences, while smaller groups reported changes involving symptoms, perception, sleepiness, or breathing.

There was no single Reiki experience.

And there should not be.

One person may feel warmth in their hands. Someone else may notice tingling in their feet. Another person may cry. Someone may see colors or experience something they understand spiritually. Somebody else may fall asleep so deeply that when I gently let them know the session has ended, they open their eyes looking like they forgot where they were for a second.

Another person may feel nothing dramatic whatsoever.

All of those experiences belong in the room.

Your body does not have to put on a spiritual performance to prove that you are healing.

Maybe We Have Become Strangers to Our Own Bodies

We spend enormous amounts of time living from the neck up. Thinking, planning, responding, anticipating, remembering, fixing, scrolling, working, worrying about what has already happened while preparing ourselves for what might happen next.

Meanwhile, the body has been communicating all day.

The headache you keep working through. The jaw you did not realize you were clenching until somebody told you to relax it. The shoulders sitting somewhere near your ears. The stomach that tightens when a particular name appears on your phone. The exhaustion that somehow survives eight hours of sleep. The breath you have been holding without realizing you were holding it.

For people who have spent years being everybody else’s emergency contact, the body can become something we drag behind us rather than somewhere we actually live.

That is what interests me about this research.

Not because I need a study to validate every spiritual belief I hold, but because researchers are beginning to pay closer attention to what people report experiencing when they finally become still enough to notice themselves.

Maybe the question is not whether we can explain every sensation.

Maybe the first question is why so many of us have become strangers to our own bodies.

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Especially the Strong Ones

I think about the woman who knows everybody’s appointment but keeps postponing her own.

The community leader whose phone starts ringing before she has brushed her teeth.

The mother sitting in the driveway for five extra minutes because she knows the moment she walks through that door, somebody will need something.

The caregiver who can tell you exactly how everyone else is feeling but has not asked herself that question in months.

The advocate who can walk into somebody else’s crisis calm, prepared, and resourceful, then goes home and realizes she has no idea how to turn herself off.

The entrepreneur answering emails from bed with one eye barely open because something inside her still believes every message deserves an immediate response.

The healer who knows exactly how to create safety for everybody else and then sits alone at night realizing she has been carrying her own grief in silence.

Sometimes these are the people who struggle most when I ask them to simply receive.

Not because they do not want peace.

Because receiving requires surrendering control long enough to discover how tired you actually are.

And sometimes that realization comes with tears.

Science and Spirit Do Not Have to Compete

I welcome research on Reiki. I want larger studies, stronger controls, replication, and researchers willing to ask difficult questions about what contributes to the experiences people report.

I also believe spiritual practice deserves honesty.

There are things I experience spiritually that I hold as sacred. There are things research can measure. Those conversations can sit beside one another without either pretending to be the other.

I can practice Reiki deeply while remaining curious about what science may eventually discover. I can honor what somebody experiences without diagnosing the sensation. I can witness someone crying without telling them exactly where those tears came from. I can practice energy work while recognizing that Reiki is complementary wellness care, not a replacement for appropriate medical or mental health treatment.

To me, that does not diminish Reiki.

It respects the person lying on my table.

Come Back Into Your Body

Maybe you are reading this with your shoulders tight right now.

Drop them.

Unclench your jaw. Let your hands rest instead of gripping the phone. Take one slow breath without trying to accomplish anything with it.

Notice where your feet are.

Notice your hands.

Notice whether there is anywhere in your body quietly asking for your attention.

You do not have to fix it.

Just notice.

Healing does not always arrive as some dramatic breakthrough. Sometimes it is quieter. Sometimes it is the moment you realize your shoulders have dropped. Sometimes it is noticing that your hands are no longer clenched. Sometimes it is hearing yourself exhale and realizing you cannot remember the last time you took a breath that deep.

Sometimes the first act of restoration is realizing how long you have been holding your breath.

An Invitation From Hearth & Harmony NYC

At Hearth & Harmony NYC, I create space for people who spend so much of their lives holding everything and everyone else together.

You do not have to arrive polished. You do not have to know how to meditate. You do not have to understand Reiki. You certainly do not have to walk through the door pretending everything is fine.

Come tired.

Come curious.

Come carrying the week.

Come if you have spent so much time caring for everybody else that you are not quite sure what receiving care feels like anymore.

Through Reiki, intentional breath, meditation, grounding, and restorative practices, my work creates an opportunity to slow down, reconnect with your body, and experience care without having to perform for it.

Maybe you have spent years being the person everybody calls.

Maybe your phone never stops.

Maybe you cannot remember the last time somebody asked what you needed and actually waited long enough to hear the answer.

This is your invitation to find out.

You spend enough of your life being available to everybody else.

Maybe it is time to become available to yourself.

For Reiki sessions, restorative wellness experiences, workshops, and collaborations, contact Larnez Kinsey, Reiki Master Teacher, Hearth & Harmony at Hearthandharmonynyc@gmail.com.

Black Girls Go Missing. But Who Starts Looking?

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When a Black teen girl goes missing, her family does not stop worrying because the story failed to make the evening news. Her mother still checks her phone. Her father still wonders where she is sleeping. Her grandparents still pray. Her friends still search TikTok for some indication that she is safe. Yet far too often, the rest of the world keeps moving.

That is why I started sharing the faces of Black teen girls reported missing across New York. I posted their photographs and names through Yonkers Voice, Mount Vernon Newswire, and my social media platforms. Thousands of people responded, commented, and shared. Then something happened that reminded me why this work matters. The mother of Jayleen Lashley, a 15-year-old from North Babylon who had been reported missing, contacted me personally. Her daughter had been found.

She asked me to let people know Jayleen was safe and to cover her daughter’s face. I did. Jayleen was no longer a missing child whose photograph needed to circulate. She was a teenager who deserved to return to her life and her privacy. Her family received the news that every family of a missing child is waiting to hear.

But what about the others, though? Naisia Simmons of Mount Vernon, London Johnson-Barrett of Far Rockaway and Journey Spann of the Bronx were among the Black girls whose names I shared. These are not simply names underneath photographs on missing-person posters. These are our girls. They are somebody’s daughters, sisters, nieces, cousins, classmates and friends.

The numbers should concern every one of us. According to the New York State Missing Persons Clearinghouse, 12,114 children were reported missing statewide in 2024. Nearly 60 percent were girls, and 55.8 percent were non-white. Black girls between the ages of 13 and 15 alone represented 17.9 percent of all missing-child reports that year.

In 2025, another 10,629 children under 18 were reported missing to police in New York. State data shows that 94 percent of those reports involved children classified as runaways. We cannot allow the word “runaway” to become an excuse to stop caring. A child away from home can still be vulnerable to exploitation, violence, abuse and countless other dangers.

There is power in our community paying attention. There is power in sharing a photograph, remembering a name and refusing to scroll past another missing Black child as though she belongs to somebody else.

Jayleen’s mother got the message she desperately needed: her daughter had been found. Now imagine every Black family still waiting for that call. Until they receive it, we should keep saying their names, sharing their faces and asking the question that matters most: Where are our girls?

Take care,

Dennis Richmond, Jr., M.S.Ed.

Author, He Spoke At My School

IF YOU FELT IT, YOU’RE NOT WRONG: When Your Values Change Depending on Who Did It, That’s the Problem

We have become very good at recognizing injustice when it belongs to somebody else. We can identify institutional racism, workplace discrimination, political corruption, misogyny, exploitation, and abuse of power almost immediately. We know the terminology. We know what should happen next. We know who should apologize, who should be held accountable, and which systems need to change. Give us a microphone, a panel discussion, and somebody else’s wrongdoing, and suddenly everybody is fluent in accountability.

But let the person causing harm be somebody we love, work with, campaign beside, break bread with or take pictures with at community events, and watch how quickly our vocabulary changes. Now we need context. Now we do not know the whole story. Now they have always been nice to us. Now we do not want to get involved. Something that would have been completely unacceptable from a stranger suddenly becomes complicated because the person responsible is saved in our phone.

I recently came across a statement that stayed with me: “Addressing evil on an institutional level while ignoring the evil of close connections is performative.” I sat with that because there is something uncomfortable about realizing we may be willing to challenge an entire institution before asking somebody sitting across from us why they hurt another human being.

If you have ever noticed that contradiction and wondered whether you were being too sensitive, too observant or too difficult, you are not wrong. Sometimes what you are feeling is simply the distance between what somebody says they believe and what they are actually willing to practice.

Proximity Changes the Price of Integrity

It is relatively easy to condemn something when condemnation costs you nothing. The real test arrives when telling the truth might cost you the friendship, invitation, opportunity, contract, relationship, access, or social circle. That is when principles stop being language and become choices.

I have learned that patterns rarely return wearing the same clothes. The room changes. The names change. The circumstances change. The title you are given may even change. Yet there is a moment when your body recognizes something before your mind is willing to say it out loud. You have been here before.

Maybe you notice yourself doing more than you agreed to do. You start covering what somebody forgot, answering the call nobody else answered, smoothing over a conflict you did not create, and carrying responsibilities that were never yours. At first you tell yourself you are helping. You are dependable. You know how to get things done. You can handle it. Then one day you look around and realize your ability to carry something has quietly become everybody else’s permission not to.

That realization is uncomfortable when you have spent years being the person who can handle almost anything. Endurance can make dysfunction look normal because you become so efficient at compensating for what is broken that nobody has to acknowledge it is broken, including you.

Sometimes the system is not working. You are. You are remembering what everyone else forgot, making the calls, fixing the misunderstanding, protecting the relationship, covering the gap, and making sure the room never sees what happened behind the curtain. Everybody applauds how smoothly everything went while you go home depleted because the smoothness they experienced was paid for with your nervous system.

Eventually you have to ask yourself a question that can change everything: If I stop carrying this, what actually remains? The answer can hurt. It can also set you free.

Your Body Notices What Your Loyalty Tries to Explain Away

There are moments when nothing dramatic has happened, but your body changes anyway. You see a name appear on your phone and your stomach tightens. You walk into a meeting, and your shoulders rise. You hear a certain tone and immediately begin choosing your words more carefully. You leave a conversation and replay it in the car because something about it did not feel right.

Then comes the negotiation with yourself. Maybe I misunderstood. Maybe they are stressed. Maybe I am taking it personally. Maybe I should give it another chance. Sometimes we offer other people explanations we would never ask someone we love to accept.

That does not mean every uncomfortable feeling is proof that someone has harmed you. A feeling is not a verdict. But discomfort is information, and discernment sometimes begins with allowing yourself to say, “Something about this does not sit right with me,” without immediately arguing yourself out of what you noticed.

There is a particular exhaustion that comes from constantly knowing something and then forcing yourself not to know it. It takes energy to overlook patterns. It takes energy to repeatedly reinterpret behavior. It takes energy to maintain relationships that require you to disconnect from your own perception in order to remain comfortable inside them. Eventually, the body sends the bill.

Restorative Justice Gets Harder When We Know the Person

I believe deeply in restoration, but restorative justice cannot only be something we discuss in schools, nonprofits, community organizations and criminal justice spaces. If our commitment to accountability disappears when the person responsible is someone we care about, then we have to examine what we actually mean when we use the word justice.

Accountability does not automatically mean humiliation, cancellation or exile. Sometimes accountability is intimate. It is looking at someone you care about and saying that you love them while also acknowledging that what they did was not okay. It is refusing to laugh at the joke when somebody was harmed by it. It is refusing to help rewrite a story simply because the truth is inconvenient. It is being able to acknowledge someone’s humanity without pretending their behavior caused no harm.

That is what makes restorative practice difficult. It asks us to hold complexity. A person can have done meaningful work and still hurt someone. A respected leader can still misuse power. Someone can advocate publicly for justice and still behave unjustly in private. A person can speak beautifully about healing while avoiding the places inside themselves that desperately need it. Those truths do not cancel each other out.

In communities where relationships matter, accountability can feel especially risky. We see one another at the fundraiser, the community meeting, the gala, the church service, the panel discussion and the restaurant afterward. The same person may be a colleague, friend, donor, connector and neighbor. Silence can start masquerading as professionalism because nobody wants to make the next room uncomfortable. But comfort cannot be the highest value in a community that claims to care about justice.

Politics Does Not Make the Mirror Disappear

This becomes even more complicated in politics. Political parties support candidates for many reasons, and every person has to decide for themselves whom they will support. But party affiliation cannot become a substitute for discernment. If you demand accountability from the opposition while becoming incapable of self-correction when the issue involves your own circle, then the standard has changed depending on who is standing in front of you.

A candidate having the support of your party does not erase your responsibility to examine the record for yourself. Neither does friendship, shared community, race, professional relationships or political access. You can support a party and still ask questions of the people carrying its banner. You can care about somebody and still recognize conduct you would not accept from somebody else. You can share political goals without surrendering your independent judgment.

Alignment also carries reputational consequences. When you attach your name, face, organization or credibility to another person, people may connect the two. That does not mean every photograph is an endorsement or every association proves agreement. It does mean thoughtful people should understand that public alignment can affect how others interpret their judgment and values.

Sometimes what looks like opportunity comes with a price you do not see until later. The sacrifice is not always money or time. Sometimes it is your credibility. Sometimes it is the uncomfortable realization that you defended something publicly that you questioned privately. Sometimes it is discovering that access to a particular circle required more silence from you than you realized you were giving.

Strategy should therefore include more than asking what an alliance can do for you. It should include asking what that alliance could cost you.

Everybody Who Looks Like You Is Not Necessarily Aligned With You

There is another layer we do not talk about enough, especially in Black and Brown communities. Sometimes the person we are least prepared to question is the person who looks like us, comes from where we come from, knows our cultural language, and understands the experiences that make us lower our guard.

Familiarity can feel like safety, but familiarity and safety are not the same thing.

Shared identity does not automatically mean shared values. Shared struggle does not guarantee shared integrity. Someone can understand the challenges facing your community and still pursue interests that conflict with yours. That can be difficult to accept because many of us have spent so much time learning how to identify threats coming from outside our communities that we are less prepared to examine contradictions occurring inside them.

That is not an invitation to become suspicious of everybody around you. It is an invitation to stop allowing familiarity to replace discernment.

Before attaching your reputation to another person, ask what the relationship actually requires from you. Are you being asked to overlook conduct you would challenge in somebody else? Are you defending something privately that contradicts what you say publicly? Are you becoming associated with decisions you did not make because you remained close enough to them that outsiders reasonably assumed you agreed?

Sometimes you do not recognize the significance of proximity until later. Your name was on the flyer. Your face was in the photograph. You stood at the podium. You repeated somebody else’s version of events. You defended something before you had all the information. Those moments create a public record even when your private intentions were more complicated.

That does not prove somebody intentionally positioned you, manipulated you, or planned your downfall. Motive requires evidence. But strategic people understand the value of endorsements, photographs, public statements, relationships, and proximity. You should understand their value too.

Be particularly careful when belonging starts requiring silence. If remaining inside a circle means compromising your standards, overlooking patterns or accumulating decisions you would never make independently, it is worth asking what that alignment is actually costing you. The person you protect today is not automatically obligated to protect you tomorrow, and you do not want to discover later that while proving your loyalty, you were also creating a public record someone else could use to describe who you are.

History Deserves Examination, Not Amnesia

And in 2026, history still matters when deciding who gets the privilege of standing beside your name. If someone you are considering aligning with has a documented history of working closely with a person or interest you previously considered an adversary, that history deserves examination. It does not automatically establish what that person believes today. Political relationships change, coalitions change, and people change. The responsible questions are what changed, why it changed, and whether the current relationship aligns with your own principles.

My grandmother’s generation had a saying for patterns like this: the apple does not fall far from the tree. I would add something to it. Before becoming so focused on who is standing beside you, pay attention to what standing beside them is turning you into.

Politics will give you plenty of mirrors disguised as opportunities. After the endorsements, photographs, handshakes, private conversations, party functions, and strategic alliances, I hope you can still stand in front of the real mirror, look yourself in the eyes, and recognize the reflection.

Access is not the same thing as integrity. Belonging is not the same thing as power. An alliance may provide opportunity while also creating reputational risk. Each person has to decide whether that tradeoff is consistent with their values, but they should at least make that decision with their eyes open.

Stop Confusing Loyalty With Self-Abandonment

There is a version of loyalty that is beautiful. It stays through difficulty, allows room for growth, and remembers someone’s humanity when they make a mistake. Then there is another version that asks you to repeatedly betray yourself so somebody else never has to experience discomfort. Those are not the same thing.

Some of us were taught that being a good person meant being endlessly available. We learned to anticipate needs before anybody asked. We became the dependable one, the strong one, and the person people called when everything went sideways. Eventually we became so accustomed to wearing multiple hats that we stopped asking whether we had ever agreed to wear them.

There is a strange moment that happens when you finally take one off. People who benefited from your overfunctioning may experience your boundary as a personality change. You may hear that you are different. Maybe you are. Maybe different means you finally understand that being capable of carrying something does not make it yours. Maybe different means you stopped confusing access to you with entitlement to you. Maybe different means you are no longer willing to sacrifice your nervous system so everybody else can remain comfortable.

Your Nervous System Is Not a Rehabilitation Center

Recognizing somebody’s behavior does not make you responsible for transforming them. This is where many compassionate people become exhausted. We believe if we explain it one more time, choose gentler words, send another message, schedule another conversation or provide another resource, eventually the person will understand.

Sometimes they already understand. Understanding and changing are two different things.

There comes a point when repeatedly explaining your pain becomes another form of labor. You are doing all the emotional work while the other person decides whether your experience deserves to matter. Your nervous system cannot become the rehabilitation center for everybody you love.

There is tremendous freedom in reaching the point where you can tell somebody how their behavior affected you and recognize that what they do with that information belongs to them. You do not have to stay in every cycle long enough to watch somebody else finally learn the lesson. Sometimes your lesson is recognizing when the cycle has returned and choosing not to enter it again.

Integrity Has to Survive the Closed Door

I am becoming less interested in what people say they stand for and more interested in what survives when there is no audience. How do you treat the person who cannot advance your career? What happens when your friend is the one who is wrong? What happens when telling the truth could cost you access? What happens when the person carrying your party’s banner does something you would condemn if the other party did it? What happens when nobody is recording, posting or applauding?

That is where values become visible.

Justice that only applies to strangers is incomplete. Accountability that only travels upward toward institutions but never sideways into our relationships is incomplete. Healing that requires everybody else to examine themselves while asking nothing of us is incomplete.

Maybe the most important question is not what you believe. Maybe it is what you are willing to practice when your beliefs become personally inconvenient.

If you have been sitting in a friendship, organization, workplace, movement, political circle or community space feeling that something does not match what everyone keeps saying they stand for, you do not have to immediately expose anybody, destroy a relationship or make a public announcement. You can begin by refusing to abandon what you know.

Sometimes the pattern comes back around and gives you an opportunity to make a different decision. The first time, maybe you stayed because you believed loyalty required it. Maybe you kept carrying what was not yours because you knew you could. Maybe you explained things away because acknowledging them would have required a decision you were not ready to make.

Then the feeling returns in a different room, around different people, under different circumstances, and this time you have something you did not have before.

Recognition.

Freedom does not always arrive as an apology, vindication, or dramatic ending. Sometimes nobody admits what happened. Sometimes the people who benefited from your silence never understand why your boundaries changed. Sometimes closure is simply reaching the point where you no longer require somebody else’s understanding before trusting your own experience.

You stop carrying what was never yours. You stop changing your standards according to who is standing in front of you. You stop mistaking proximity for loyalty, access for power, and shared identity for shared integrity. Most importantly, you stop abandoning yourself just to remain acceptable inside somebody else’s circle.

When you finally look in that mirror, the goal isn’t to see the person everybody else wanted you to become.

It is to recognize yourself still.

And if you felt the contradiction long before you had the language to explain it, you’re not wrong.

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Yonkers Firefighter Exam Applications Open; Deadline Set for November 25

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YONKERS, N.Y. — The City of Yonkers is accepting applications for its 2026-2027 Firefighter Examination, with the filing deadline set for Wednesday, November 25, 2026.

The written examination will be held Saturday, January 9, 2027, at Yonkers Middle High School and Lincoln High School. Dates for the required physical agility test will be announced later for qualified candidates.

Applicants must be Yonkers residents and must hand-deliver their completed firefighter exam application, along with a non-refundable $50 application fee, to the Firefighter Recruitment Office at the Riverfront Library, One Larkin Center, Room 101, Yonkers, NY 10701. Payment will only be accepted by check or money order.

Candidates will be required to pass both a written examination and physical examination, with each counting equally toward the candidate’s total score. Qualified candidates will also be required to undergo a medical examination.

The Yonkers Fire Department is also offering free training sessions to help applicants prepare for the written exam. Information on test-taking techniques, sample questions, and available training sessions can be obtained through the Firefighter Recruitment Office.

For questions regarding the application process or examination, contact the Firefighter Recruitment Office at (914) 457-1373 or (914) 349-6964.

Important Dates:

Application deadline — November 25, 2026

Written examination — January 9, 2027

Physical agility test — date to be announced.

Black Westchester encourages interested applicants not to wait until the last minute to complete the application process and to take advantage of the free preparation resources being offered.

Lawler vs. Conley: What Did Either Candidate Actually Offer Black Voters in NY-17?

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The recent televised debate between Republican Congressman Mike Lawler and Democratic challenger Cait Conley covered a tremendous amount of ground. For nearly an hour, the candidates debated the cost of living, housing, utility bills, Social Security, tariffs, college costs, Israel, antisemitism, immigration, reproductive rights, health care, artificial intelligence, data centers and public safety.

For Black voters in New York’s 17th Congressional District, though, there is another approach to looking at the debate. Rather than wondering which candidate used the word “Black” the most—or whether or not one of the candidates made a specific appeal to Black voters—the more significant question is what actual policies each candidate put forward that could have an economic and social impact on Black families.

This leads to a more complicated answer since neither Lawler nor Conley devoted a significant amount of time to treating Black New Yorkers as a separate group or to directly dealing with racial disparities in employment, education, homeownership, business ownership, or wealth. However, both candidates did talk about policies in a number of areas that have a direct connection with the concerns of Black families. The differences between them were generally in the way they suggested tackling those problems.

JOBS, TRADES AND THE PATH TO THE MIDDLE CLASS

A statement by Lawler that was particularly relevant took place when the topic of the increasing cost of higher education was under discussion; he maintained that the nation should reconsider its education system and expressly advocated for more focus on vocational education.

During the debate Lawler said that we need to reform our education system, including the establishment of vocational schools.

That is important since the economic discussion can’t start and stop with four-year college degrees; electricians, plumbers, HVAC technicians, construction workers and other skilled tradespeople can offer routes to middle-class status without requiring students to take on huge amounts of college debt.

Conley advanced the same point of view, stating that America should invest in routes which do not demand a four-year degree and specifically citing BOCES programmes, trade skills, and apprenticeships.

There was therefore a degree of substantial overlap among the candidates, since both of them admitted that it is not the only economic route open to young people.

For Black New Yorkers, however, one question is still without an answer: how would either candidate ensure that Black students become connected with those opportunities? Not a single candidate spoke about the disparities in access to apprenticeships, vocational education, or well-paid skilled trades, and neither offered an explanation of how federal policy could link young people from economically distressed communities with those careers.

The debate therefore gave voters two broad approaches to workforce development, but not a Black-specific workforce strategy.

EDUCATION: COLLEGE COSTS GOT ATTENTION, K-12 OUTCOMES DID NOT

The conversation about education placed a strong emphasis on affordability following graduation. Lawler stated that he had worked alongside Democratic Member of Congress Jared Moskowitz on legislation aimed at setting the interest rates on federal student loans at 2 per cent. Similarly, Conley backed the idea of capping the interest rates on federal student loans while at the same time expanding the range of alternatives to the conventional four-year college.

The plans deal with a significant issue, which is the vast quantity of debt that young Americans can end up with before they have even taken on a professional career of their own.

However, there was almost no serious talk regarding what takes place before college.

For Black families this omission should be noted; neither of the candidates gave a detailed statement in this debate about improving struggling public schools, literacy, mathematics performance, career preparation, school discipline, vocational education starting in high school, or federal accountability for educational outcomes.

Only a part of the problem is solved if college loans are made cheaper since children may graduate without the skills needed to compete. In the same way, apprenticeships can only be made useful if students know about these opportunities and have the academic and technical preparation required to join them.

The discussion was about the cost of higher education and did not properly look into whether or not each community is properly preparing children to enter higher education or the skilled workforce.

HOMEOWNERSHIP: TWO VERY DIFFERENT APPROACHES

One of the most evident differences in policy was produced by housing.

Lawler stressed the need to increase the supply of housing. He stated that he had played a role in promoting housing legislation that was supported by both parties and which was designed to reduce red tape, boost the supply, and extend access to capital for both homebuilders and homebuyers. His main point was that housing prices can ultimately be lowered by increasing the supply and reducing the obstacles to construction.

She looked at the problem from the point of view of both supply and purchasing power; her most concrete suggestion was for the establishment of an American Public Service Home Loan Program, this being similar in format to the VA home-loan program. According to her proposal, individuals who have worked for 10 years as first responders, law-enforcement officers, nurses, or teachers would get help with buying homes in the communities where they serve.

This could be important for working families who have respectable salaries yet end up being priced out of housing in the Hudson Valley.

Neither of the candidates dealt with one of the major economic issues facing Black America, namely the gap in homeownership and wealth.

No one discussed increasing Black homeownership, assisting first-generation homeowners with down payments, expanding access to capital in historically underserved areas, or whether discriminatory barriers still exist in lending and appraisal systems.

Lawler mainly focused on increasing the supply and lowering regulatory barriers, while Conley suggested providing help to public servants. Although both of these approaches might have an impact on Black families, neither of them was put forward as a strategy specifically aimed at eliminating racial disparities in homeownership.

HEALTH CARE: A MAJOR FIGHT, BUT NOT ABOUT RACIAL HEALTH DISPARITIES

Health care was one of the night’s most controversial topics.

Conley criticized Lawler over Medicaid, saying the legislation he supported would cause hundreds of thousands of New Yorkers to lose coverage. Lawler dismissed her description and maintained that the changes would involve eligibility verification, citizenship requirements, and work requirements for able-bodied adults without dependent children, adding that Medicaid would still be protected for seniors, children, people with disabilities, and working families who qualify.

Candidates clearly disagree on what the recent federal changes mean for Medicaid and access to healthcare, and their differing factual assertions should be independently verified beyond the debate transcript.

Neither candidate dealt substantially with the problem of racial disparity in health outcomes.

The topic of maternal mortality disparities, chronic disease, access to preventive health care in underserved communities, and other health outcomes which have a disproportionate effect on some Black communities was not significantly addressed.

The difference is important. It is not necessary for a policy to state “Black” in order to benefit Black families. Policies such as Medicaid, Medicare, the prescription-drug scheme, and insurance reform can have an impact on millions of Americans along racial lines. Yet if candidates want Black voters to assess the specific effects of their policies on their own communities, they should include measurable results in the discussion.

PUBLIC SAFETY: STRONG POSITIONS, DIFFERENT EMPHASIS

Both candidates positioned themselves as advocates of public safety, even though the topic was immigration.

She kept on referring to her time serving as a military police officer and stated that border security is a matter of national security. She said that immigration enforcement should focus on violent criminals, terrorist groups, drug cartels, and human traffickers, while criticizing the enforcement actions which she believes have caught nonviolent members of communities.

Lawler took a firmer stance on sanctuary policies; he said he opposed New York’s policy, which limits cooperation with federal immigration authorities, and that he would back federal legislation intended to end sanctuary jurisdictions.

Lawler also discussed reforms to ICE, including the use of body-worn cameras, uniforms, and a requirement that agents not hide their identities behind masks. Conley also supported the use of body cameras, clear identification, and greater accountability for federal agents.

The discussion never really dealt with another public safety issue which is important in many Black communities—namely, how the government can at the same time support effective law enforcement, reduce violent crime, improve relations between the police and the community, and hold government institutions accountable in cases when they fail.

The conversation was mostly not there.

ENERGY COSTS: AN ISSUE THAT HITS EVERY WORKING FAMILY

The energy policy showed another major difference in philosophy.

Lawler claimed that New York had reduced its energy supply by closing down its nuclear power plants, banning the extraction of natural gas and preventing the construction of pipelines. He advocated for rebuilding and reactivating Indian Point, increasing natural-gas production and pushing for reform of the federal permitting system.

She stressed the importance of renewable energy, such as solar and wind, and at the same time called for tighter regulation of utility companies. She stated that utilities should not be allowed to pass on to consumers certain costs—including those relating to lobbying, corporate off-sites and private jets. She also maintained that the government should provide incentives for the development of cleaner and more efficient energy.

Neither of them treated energy as a special concern of the Black community, since it should not be artificially made into such an issue. It is especially important for working-class households that expenses for electricity, heating and transportation take up money which could not then be spent on housing, food, education or savings.

For Black voters the real issue is not merely which energy source sounds better from a political point of view. It is which policies are able to provide affordable energy while at the same time ensuring an adequate supply and safeguarding communities against environmental and economic harm.

SMALL BUSINESS AND BLACK ENTREPRENEURSHIP: A MISSED OPPORTUNITY

A striking absence was Black business development.

Both candidates spoke at length about the economy and touched on tariffs, taxes, corporate interests, utilities, housing, and economic growth. However, they said little about entrepreneurship in underserved communities, access to capital, federal contracting opportunities, or expanding small-business ownership among people historically underrepresented in business ownership.

For Black voters interested in building wealth rather than relying on government services, this should be a key part of the discussion in Congress.

The importance of jobs cannot be overlooked, nor can that of wages or taxes; ownership is important as well.

A serious economic programme for Black communities should therefore inquire not only into the number of jobs which government policy might generate, but also into the number of businesses that can be set up, the number of families that will be able to buy homes, the number of contractors who will be able to bid for government work, and the amount of wealth that can stay within the communities.

That argument was not developed by either of the candidates during this debate.

SO WHAT DID BLACK VOTERS ACTUALLY HEAR?

Black voters who watched the debate did hear some policy suggestions that could affect their lives.

They heard Lawler support vocational education, lower interest rates on student loans, an increased supply of housing, tax relief, greater domestic energy production, and changes to health-care policy. They also heard Conley in favor of trade education and apprenticeships, caps on student-loan interest rates, a public-service home-loan scheme, the development of renewable energy, regulation of utilities, and the protection of health-care coverage.

Those are genuine policy differences voters can consider.

The fact that Black voters did not hear was a continuous discussion that linked those proposals to the specific economic situations facing Black New Yorkers.

The subject of Black unemployment was not seriously dealt with. Neither was there a significant discussion of BlackNo one discusseded examination of Black business ownership or  in detailaccess to capital. Likewise, there was no substantial discussion of educational outcomes for Black children or of the racial disparities in health outcomes.

That doesn’t mean all policies have to be designed with race in mind; effective economic policy can benefit families regardless of race, and voters should evaluate proposals by results rather than political labels.

But Black voters have every right to ask a basic question of anyone seeking their vote:

What measurable outcomes will your policies produce for our families and our communities?

The News 12 debate provided NY-17 voters with a better understanding of where both Mike Lawler and Cait Conley stand on a number of key issues. The following discussion should go deeper.

For Black Westchester, this involves posing the same questions to both candidates and letting their answers speak for themselves—what steps will you take to increase employment and access to skilled trades? What steps will you take to improve educational outcomes? What steps will you take to increase homeownership? What steps will you take to expand small-business ownership and access to federal contracts? What steps will you take about health disparities? And what steps will you take to make communities not only safer but also economically stronger?

Black voters don’t need politicians to mention them during election season.

Policies should be designed so their results can be measured after Election Day.

18,000 JOBS FOR MIGRANTS — BUT WHERE IS THE BLACK EMPLOYMENT EMERGENCY?

New York has shown us that when political leaders treat a problem as an emergency, government can act swiftly. Agencies can coordinate, workers can be assigned, employers can be recruited, barriers can be removed, money can be made available, and public campaigns can be launched. Once politicians decide that a particular issue warrants immediate attention, the machinery of government suddenly becomes remarkably efficient.

That is precisely what happened when Governor Kathy Hochul’s administration addressed the migrant crisis. In October 2023,, the governor declared that New York had found more than 18,000 job vacancies at 379 employers willing to hire migrants and asylum seekers with formal work authorization. The state set up a registration process, worked directly with employers, launched a public awareness campaign, and assigned 70 state employees from 16 different agencies to the initiative. Hochul described the policy in simple terms: “Migrants and asylum seekers came to this country to work — so let’s get them working.”

There is no inherent flaw in helping legally authorized migrants become self-sufficient, since moving them out of taxpayer-funded shelters and into work can cut public expenses while enabling them to support themselves. What Black New Yorkers ought to be asking is not why aid was given to migrants, but rather why the government has not shown the same level of focused urgency in addressing a Black employment problem that was present long before the migrant buses began to arrive in New York.

WHERE IS THE BLACK EMPLOYMENT EMERGENCY?

It’s not just a question of perception; the figures from New York itself show the issue.

In April 2026, the New York State Comptroller, Thomas DiNapoli, stated that Black unemployment in New York City was 8.9 percent in 2025, which is more than three times the unemployment rate for White New Yorkers; his office also pointed out that Black New Yorkers were one of the demographic groups suffering from persistently high unemployment.

Consider this from a logical point of view: although thousands of migrants had a need for work, New York had identified employers, brought in 16 agencies, assigned 70 state employees and set up a system that linked people directly with jobs that were available; the unemployment rate among Black New Yorkers is more than three times that of White New Yorkers, so where then was a similar statewide employment initiative for Black people?

What about the 70 state employees who have been specifically assigned to closing that gap? What has become of the hundreds of employers who have been recruited as part of a campaign to promote Black employment? Where is the statewide portal that links unemployed Black New Yorkers with employers? And where is the governor standing in front of the podium declaring that Black unemployment is unacceptable and setting out measurable targets for reducing it?

Those questions are not anti-immigrant. They are pro-accountability.

NY HELPS PROVES GOVERNMENT CAN REMOVE BARRIERS

New York has also shown it can rethink how it hires government employees. In June 2026, Hochul extended NY HELPS until June 2028; the program facilitates hiring for many state and local government jobs by temporarily waiving normal civil-service examination requirements for eligible posts. The program has already made over 60,000 appointments.

Once more, NY HELPS is not a scheme for migrants. It offers posts to qualified members of the general public, including Black New Yorkers. Yet its existence shows a bigger truth: Albany knows how to identify obstacles to employment and will alter the system when it considers it necessary.

This raises another valid question: of those more than 60,000 appointments, how many were assigned to Black New Yorkers? How many were given to Black men? How many came from areas that have consistently experienced high unemployment? How many came from neighborhoods in which generations of families have paid taxes to New York but are still struggling to secure stable middle-class employment?

The government ought to make those results public. A program shouldn’t be assessed merely by how many people it has employed; we should also know whether it has reduced the employment disparities the government already knew about.

THIS IS BIGGER THAN JOBS

The frustration many Black people in New York feel is not separate from other issues. Employment is only one element of a much bigger affordability and opportunity problem.

On transportation, the New York congestion-charging scheme charges most E-ZPass passenger vehicles $9 when entering Manhattan below 60th Street during peak times. Discounts and exemptions are available for certain eligible drivers, and the administration says congestion pricing reduces traffic, improves air quality, and provides funds for mass transit. These are the benefits that the administration has stated.

Policy should also be viewed from the perspective of the ordinary worker who has to pay the bills. A home health aide, a tradesman, a small-business owner, a delivery worker, or anyone else who has to drive does not regard government policy as a press release; he experiences it through his E-ZPass account, his utility bill, his mortgage payment, his rent, and his property-tax bill.

The same problem applies to housing. Because property prices are so high, homeownership is increasingly out of reach for many working families. This matters greatly for Black families, since homeownership is still one of the main ways generational wealth is built and passed on. If housing costs rise faster than families can earn income and save, telling people the economy is growing becomes meaningless if they can’t buy an asset in the communities where they live.

Property taxes make the affordability problem worse. Energy costs make it even worse. Each extra recurring expense for a household means less money left for saving, investing, starting businesses, educating children, and passing on assets to the next generation.

This is where the government should evaluate its policies by their outcomes rather than their intentions.

FAMILY POLICY MATTERS TOO

The controversy surrounding the use of family terms is once again an example of Albany’s priorities causing debate. Presently, New York law permits each parent to decide whether to be listed on a birth certificate as “father”, “mother”, or “parent”.

Individual lawmakers also introduced legislation in 2026 that would have substituted gender-neutral terms, such as “gestating parent” and “non-gestating parent”, for the terms “mother”, “father” and others in certain parts of state law. Lawmakers opposed the proposal and asked Hochul to veto it.

People may disagree about that piece of legislation, but Black New Yorkers have the right to question why Albany can spare political energy on redefining the terms in the statute while the fundamental economic inequalities are still not being addressed.

For communities facing unemployment, poor schools, high housing costs, heavy property taxes, and rising household expenses, government priorities are not merely abstract cultural discussions; they show citizens which issues their government regards as urgent.

POLITICAL LOYALTY SHOULD PRODUCE POLITICAL ACCOUNTABILITY

Here we have an uncomfortable political question.

The Black voting public has long been one of the Democratic Party’s most reliable groups. This doesn’t imply that all Black voters are Democrats or that Black people in New York vote as a single block. What it does mean is that Democratic candidates have enjoyed strong support from Black voters in recent elections, which has led to the reasonable expectation that Democratic governments should give serious consideration to the issues that affect Black communities most.

Voting must never turn into a blank check.

Political support must lead to tangible political results. If unemployment is still much higher, then you should ask why. If homeownership remains difficult, consider what policies are being used to change that. If property taxes are overwhelming working homeowners, call for concrete relief. If rising energy costs are damaging households, ask for a strategy to ensure affordability. And if the government is building employment infrastructure for one group of people, you should ask why communities that have long suffered from unemployment disadvantages have not received similar attention.

These are not Republican questions or Democratic questions. They are questions about accountability.

Black voters ought to be able to question Hochul in the same way that they should be able to question a Republican governor, a Democratic mayor, a Republican county executive or anyone else who is exercising government power.

THE STANDARD MUST BE OUTCOMES

Governor Hochul should lay out her administration’s specific plan to reduce Black unemployment. Instead of setting up another commission, instead of holding another listening session, instead of making another diversity statement, she should say what the aim is, what the schedule will be, how many people will get jobs, how many of the apprenticeships will result in permanent careers, how many Black New Yorkers are entering state employment via NY HELPS, how many are becoming homeowners, and by how much has the Black unemployment gap in fact decreased?

New York has shown that the government can get things going when it decides to, as proven by the migrant employment initiative. Instead of taking the initiative themselves, seventy state employees and sixteen agencies did not act. The state had decided that coordinated action was necessary because of the situation.

Black people in New York have every right to expect the same level of seriousness about the disparities that have existed for decades.

This issue is more significant than the question of migrants. It concerns whether political loyalty is turning into real economic progress, and whether those who have lived in the country, worked in it, raised their families in it, and paid taxes in it can stay and build wealth here.

When people have to drive, tolls and congestion charges are important. If homeowners have difficulty staying in their homes, property taxes become a concern. Real estate prices matter when the younger generation can no longer afford to buy. When households must decide which bills to pay first, energy costs matter. Family policy is important whenever Albany alters its long-standing terminology while many families are asking the government to concentrate on their economic survival. Above all, employment matters because if there is no steady income, all the other problems become more difficult.

For Black New Yorkers, the issue must be whether or not someone else merits help, since that way politicians can shirk their responsibilities by pitting one struggling community against another. The more appropriate question is straightforward: if the New York government has the means and political will to devise targeted solutions in an emergency affecting another group, why has the ongoing disparity in Black employment not prompted a similarly focused response?

As long as Albany cannot answer that question with actual, measurable results rather than empty talk, the employment imbalance should be included in the wider discussion of affordability, taxation, housing, energy, and government priorities. Although these policies do not share the same causes or effects and reasonable people might still disagree about each one in isolation, the overall effect deserves examination by Black New Yorkers who have given substantial political support to Democratic candidates yet continue to face considerable economic disparities.

For Black New Yorkers and indeed for Black America as a whole, the criterion should no longer be speeches, symbolism, or allegiance to the party. It should be results. When a policy raises costs, it should be clear who bears them. When a jobs scheme creates opportunities, it should be made clear to whom those opportunities are given. When the government says it is promoting equity, we should check whether long-standing disparities actually decrease.

Political support without tangible progress is not an achievement; it remains an unanswered question.

BLACK AMERICA CANNOT KEEP ESCAPING FAILING SCHOOLS — WE MUST TAKE CONTROL OF OUR CHILDREN’S EDUCATION

The current controversy involving journalist Nikole Hannah-Jones and the education of her daughter ought to cause Black America to enter into a discussion that goes well beyond the question of whether one mother made the correct choice for one child. Hannah-Jones has been open about the fact that she intentionally enrolled her daughter in predominantly Black public schools since she believed in integration, in public education, and in a duty to children beyond her own family. Many years later, however, her daughter questioned that decision and told her mother that she had not received the education she had hoped for. Hannah-Jones eventually admitted she had come to believe her daughter had been shortchanged educationally.

There will be a great deal of debate about whether Hannah-Jones was correct. I think there is a more significant question that Black America should be addressing: why are Black parents always having to decide between saving their own children and supporting the schools that serve their communities? At some point, we should stop viewing escape from failing institutions as our main educational strategy and start seriously discussing ways to gain more power, influence, and accountability over the institutions that educate our children.

This has nothing to do with ideology; it is a matter of logic and results. Since a child spends about 13 years in the education system, the final assessment should not be merely whether they have been promoted from one grade to the next or have obtained a diploma. The right questions to ask are: Can the child read at the expected level for their grade? Can they carry out mathematical operations at the expected level for their grade? Can they write, reason, communicate, and cope in the workplace? Is the student ready for college, a trade, technology, starting a business, or entering the job market? And if the answer to all these is consistently no, then some aspect of the system driving those results must change.

The figures from New York show just how important that discussion is. The preliminary statewide results for the 2025–26 school year indicated that only 48 percent of students in grades 3 to 8 were proficient in English language arts, 57 percent were proficient in mathematics, and 47 percent were proficient in science. These figures apply to students statewide, not specifically to Black students, so they should not be used as a measure of Black students’ achievement. However, the NYSED’s detailed 2025 technical report also records the ongoing racial achievement gaps; for instance, the rate of mathematics proficiency among African American fourth graders was 11 percentage points below the statewide average for that grade.

Which is why the Hannah-Jones story shouldn’t conclude with a critique of her parenting choice. It brings to light a more serious issue: a child can get good grades and be put into honors classes yet still be unprepared when they reach the next academic level. In such a case, what are grades actually showing parents? What does it mean to be promoted? What does the honors label mean? If the institution tells parents their child is succeeding while objective academic data paint a different picture, parents cannot make informed decisions.

WE NEED POWER, NOT JUST REPRESENTATION

For many years, Black political advancement has largely been measured by representation. We honor Black mayors, members of legislatures, school board members, superintendents, principals, and other education officials. Although representation has historical significance, it is not the same as controlling institutions. Someone can appear to be one of the children in a school district while still running a system that fails to educate many of them adequately.

Community power means parents know who has authority over the superintendent, the curriculum, the budget, the academic standards, the contracts, and the accountability process. It means parents know who can be dismissed when results remain unacceptable. It means parents have access to clear achievement data before their children reach high school and realize they are years behind. Most importantly, it means educational leaders recognize that graduation rates alone are not enough if graduates are not prepared for what comes next.

New York State’s investigation into New York City’s mayoral control system also raised concerns about community power. According to the NYSED, most participants in its public hearings felt they had not been heard or included enough in the decision-making process. The department’s report noted demand for greater involvement by parents, students, and teachers; more shared decision-making; increased transparency; and stronger checks and balances. Yet the NYSED found no definitive evidence that any one form of governance, on its own, ensures higher student achievement.

That final point matters; swapping mayoral control for another arrangement won’t magically make a child learn algebra. Appointing different individuals won’t automatically improve literacy. Control without standards amounts to nothing, and representation without accountability can turn into mere symbolism. Whatever governance model a community adopts must be linked to measurable outcomes.

STOP ASKING BLACK PARENTS TO SACRIFICE THEIR CHILDREN

There is no justification for a Black parent to knowingly allow their child to receive a poor education because withdrawing might be seen as abandoning the community; parents do have a duty to protect their children. If a school is unable to provide an adequate education for your child and you are in a position to place them in a better school, then there is nothing wrong with exercising that choice.

Individual escape cannot therefore be our long-term policy for community education. Not every Black family can afford to send their child to a private school. No family can move into a more expensive district. Not every child will be admitted to a selective school. Nothing suggests that every parent has thousands of dollars available for tutoring. If our solution to educational failure is to ask successful families to leave, then we will eventually end up with precisely what we are saying we want to oppose—communities in which the families with the most resources, the highest expectations, and the greatest political influence disappear from their neighborhood schools.

The correct course of action is therefore twofold: protect your individual child while also acting collectively to improve the institution. These principles are not in conflict with one another; it is possible to refuse to sacrifice my child and yet still fight for yours.

Therefore, Black parents should become much more aggressive in their pursuit of educational information. Instead of finding out in eighth or ninth grade that your child is unable to do fourth- or fifth-grade mathematics, you should ask for the results of any assessments. You must compare children’s grades with relevant standardized measures and their actual work, and understand their reading levels. Whenever there is a marked discrepancy between the classroom grades and the results of external assessments, you should demand an explanation.

OUR POLITICS MUST INCLUDE EDUCATIONAL OUTCOMES

Black America also needs to rethink education’s role in our political demands. When politicians enter Black communities, they usually talk about representation, funding, and protecting public education. While those discussions matter, every elected official should answer one question: What are the children actually being taught?

When spending goes up, but proficiency remains unacceptable, parents should consider why. If graduation rates rise but college remediation or basic skills deficiencies remain significant, people should examine the discrepancy. If authorities alter graduation requirements or assessments, communities ought to ask whether those changes actually improve education or merely change how success is defined. These questions are not the concern of either the Democratic or Republican parties; they are parental questions.

We ought to be just as familiar with school board members and education officials as we are with members of Congress. Parents should attend budget meetings, school board meetings, and superintendent hearings. Churches, fraternities, sororities, civic groups, business associations and other community organizations should regard attainment in reading and mathematics as issues of community development. It would be serious for a neighborhood to talk about economic empowerment. At the same time, generations of children fail to compete in the economy being built around them.

THE LESSON SHOULD BE BIGGER THAN NIKOLE HANNAH-JONES

Nikole Hannah-Jones should be commended for bringing up a highly personal experience that many parents would likely keep to themselves. Even if people disagree with her initial decision, her beliefs, or her conclusions, the experience offers a chance to examine a much wider failure.

The idea shouldn’t be that she ought to have sent her daughter somewhere else, since that would solve the problem for one child only and make no difference to the children left behind.

The real question is this: why can schools keep producing children who are academically behind without causing the same level of political concern we show with elections, policing, housing, or other major community matters? Since education decides who will take part in the next economy, who will set up businesses, who will understand artificial intelligence, who will go into the skilled trades, who will become engineers, and who will continue to rely on systems controlled by someone else.

Black Americans have struggled for many generations to gain the right to attend America’s schools; the next phase of that struggle must be ensuring that once they get into the schools, they actually receive an education.

We must not ask parents to sacrifice their children to show their dedication to the community, nor should we accept a system in which the only way to achieve success is to get away from the community.

Save your child. Then help us change the school.

In the end, Black educational power doesn’t just mean having Black people in charge of institutions; it means Black parents have access to the relevant information, organizational capacity, necessary expectations, and influence needed to get results from those institutions.

And the measurement of that power cannot be who holds the title.

We must measure what our children can actually do when they leave the classroom.

CHINA COMES TO WASHINGTON — BUT WHAT DOES IT MEAN FOR BLACK AMERICA?

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When President Xi Jinping of China visits Washington and takes seats across the table from the President of the United States, most Black Americans are unlikely to immediately associate that meeting with events taking place in their own communities. To them, China seems like something that belongs to foreign policy, tariffs appear to be a matter for Wall Street, rare-earth minerals sound like a topic that interests economists and engineers, and artificial intelligence is seen as being connected with Silicon Valley. Trade agreements can look like discussions between politicians who are thousands of miles away from Mount Vernon, Detroit, Baltimore, Memphis, Chicago, or Atlanta.

The distance may be misleading, since geopolitics ultimately turns into local economics. The way decisions concerning China affect the prices that Americans pay for products, the locations where companies set up factories, the technologies that will prevail in the future, the kinds of jobs that will be created and the skills that workers will need. Black America therefore has a direct economic interest in understanding what is going on between the United States and China.

The United States and China are not merely disputing tariffs; they are competing in manufacturing, artificial intelligence, critical minerals, energy, technology, supply chains, and global economic influence. What happens as a result of this competition will decide where industries are located, where capital is invested, and which countries end up controlling some of the most valuable industries of the twenty-first century.

For Black America, the issue should not be whether President Donald Trump will beat Xi Jinping, whether the Democrats support Trump’s policy toward China, or which political party will be credited with a political victory. The more significant economic question is what the negotiations and competition between America and China will mean for Black workers, Black businesses, Black students, and Black communities.

GEOPOLITICS EVENTUALLY REACHES YOUR BLOCK

Although geopolitics takes place between governments, its effects ultimately reach individual neighborhoods. If Washington alters its tariffs, companies have to decide where to manufacture their products, and when the United States limits Chinese technology, businesses then review their supply chains. When China restricts access to critical minerals, American manufacturers may have to face higher costs or shortages.

The principle applies just as well in the opposite direction: if the United States spends billions of dollars on semiconductor production, artificial intelligence, energy infrastructure and advanced manufacturing, new industries and jobs can come into being. It follows that a meeting between Washington and Beijing may eventually influence the price of an item at Walmart, the site of a factory, the availability of a construction job, the demand for an electrician or the opportunities open to a young person who has just finished high school.

That is the reason why Black America must go beyond political slogans when politicians claim that a particular policy will benefit “American workers”; we need to look into which industries will actually expand, where the investments will take place, what skills those industries will require, and which communities are in a position to take part.

WE HAVE SEEN WHAT HAPPENS WHEN THE ECONOMY CHANGES

For many years, America transferred large parts of its manufacturing capacity to other countries, and as a result China became one of the world’s major manufacturing centers while many industrial areas in the United States saw their factories close and their economic opportunities vanish. The changes were complex and cannot be attributed simply to China destroying American manufacturing, since automation, corporate decisions, technological change, and wider globalization also contributed.

The main point is that the results of major economic changes depend on who has the education, skills, capital, infrastructure and political strategy needed to take part; simply bringing factories back to the United States won’t automatically overcome the economic difficulties facing Black communities unless our people are ready for the jobs and business opportunities that result from such investments.

Economic growth can occur in a community without greatly improving the economic situation of the people who live there. If we are to achieve different results from the next phase of American industrial development, then we must understand that distinction.

IF MANUFACTURING COMES BACK, ARE WE READY?

Both the Democrats and the Republicans have in recent years spoken more about strengthening American manufacturing and about reducing America’s reliance on fragile foreign supply chains; yet the move to bring manufacturing back home will only bring benefits to Black communities if our people are given a chance to take part in the industries that are being set up.

Today’s manufacturing plant needn’t be the kind of factory our grandparents knew. Today, advanced manufacturing uses robotics, computers, electrical systems, precision equipment, data analytics, and workers’ intelligence. The kinds of workers who will benefit from the next phase of manufacturing expansion could be electricians, HVAC technicians, engineers, welders, programmers, machinists, cybersecurity professionals, and robotics technicians.

That means the discussion about China now becomes part of the debate concerning Black education. If the United States is going to aim at competing technologically with China, then Black communities should be questioning whether their schools are preparing Black children to compete economically within the United States.

Even though billions of dollars are invested in semiconductors, energy, AI infrastructure, data centers, and advanced manufacturing, this alone will not lead to economic advancement among Black people. If our children leave school without strong skills in mathematics, science, computers, and technical subjects, the opportunities from these investments will go to people who are better prepared to take advantage of them.

If people don’t prepare properly, economic opportunity will end up being someone else’s. This is something that Black America should aim to avoid before the next economic transformation is already finished.

AI COULD CREATE ANOTHER ECONOMIC DIVIDE

Artificial intelligence is now one of the key areas of technological competition between the United States and China, and Black America should take notice, since the outcome will have implications that go well beyond the technology companies in Silicon Valley.

It is not merely about ChatGPT or generating images on a phone. Artificial intelligence will begin to have a greater impact on fields such as medicine, finance, transportation, logistics, defense, manufacturing, education, communications and almost all of the other major industries. The nations and firms that take the lead in these technologies may enjoy huge economic benefits over the coming decades.

We should therefore not merely have the fear that AI will get rid of jobs. Although some occupations will change and some jobs may vanish, new industries, occupations and businesses will also appear. That is why Black America should consider what these new jobs will be, who will own the companies, who will control the infrastructure and the intellectual property, and what skills our children will need to take part.

All major technological changes create opportunities for wealth, but these opportunities are not automatically shared. Individuals who understand a transformation early can gain skills, set up businesses, build assets, and get established in the new economy. In contrast, those who realize the transformation later usually take years to catch up.

Black America doesn’t have the luxury of having to catch up in another gepreparestead; we should be planning for the economic effects of artificial intelligence while the industry is still in development, not wait until its seismic structures are already set.

CRITICAL MINERALS TEACH US SOMETHING ABOUT POWER

Rare-earth and critical minerals have become major points of contention between Washington and Beijing because they are essential to modern technology; China’s key role in processing many of these materials gives Beijing economic power, while the United States tries to reduce vulnerabilities in its critical supply chains.

There is a significant economic lesson for Black America: economic power usually arises from producing, controlling, or having access to something other people need, such as natural resources, technology, manufacturing capacity, intellectual property, energy, capital, or skilled labor.

Black America ought to apply that principle at home by considering what it produces, what it owns, and what industries it is entering. It should also examine what businesses it is setting up and what specialized skills our communities have that the wider economy requires.

The questions should be at the heart of Black political discussions since political representation and economic power are not identical. While voting for Black officials can lead to representation, representation alone is not enough to build businesses, industries, skilled workers, capital, or ownership.

TARIFFS EVENTUALLY REACH THE CHECKOUT COUNTER

Another aspect of America’s economic clash with China cannot be ignored. Although tariffs can help protect domestic industry and give the government some bargaining power, they can also raise costs when businesses pass the extra expenses on to consumers.

Working families feel those effects directly, since a family trying to pay rent, buy groceries, buy school clothes, and keep its car running doesn’t experience international trade as part of an academic discussion. Instead, families learn about economic policy through the prices they pay, the wages they receive, the jobs they have, and the amount of money left in their bank account at the end of each month.

Black America should therefore not simply assume that tariffs are good since one political party supports them or that they are bad because another political party opposes them. Instead, we must look at what kind of industry is being protected, what American production might replace imported goods, what jobs might be created, how consumers might be affected, and where actual new investment will take place.

We should also investigate who is awarded the contracts and who owns the businesses that benefit from government policy, since this analysis lets us evaluate economic policy on measurable results rather than political loyalty.

BLACK AMERICA NEEDS A FOREIGN ECONOMIC POLICY

For many years, when it came to black political discussion, foreign policy has usually been regarded as being separate from black life unless the United States is engaged in a military conflict. However, this view is less reasonable in an economy in which decisions taken thousands of miles away can affect employment, prices, technology, and investment within American cities.

It is important to consider China because trade and manufacturing matter, just as it is important to consider Africa because natural resources and emerging markets matter. Taiwan matters because semiconductor supply chains matter, and the Middle East matters because global energy markets matter. Artificial intelligence matters because technological leadership will help determine where much of future economic power and wealth will be located.

Foreign policy and domestic economics are becoming increasingly linked, so black political organizations, civil-rights organizations, business groups, churches, educational institutions, and elected officials should treat international economics as seriously as they treat voting rights, criminal justice, and social policy.

Whenever presidents negotiate international agreements, Black America ought to wonder how Black businesses can take part in the economic opportunities that result. And when the United States is building semiconductor plants, we should ask whether Black students are being prepared for those kinds of careers; and when billions are invested in AI infrastructure and data centers, we should ask whether Black contractors, electricians, engineers, and entrepreneurs have access to those investments.

We ought to look into whether communities suffering from unemployment and a lack of investment can benefit when manufacturing moves back to America. Such questions should not be the concern only of Democrats or Republicans since they relate to long-term economic interests that go beyond any one election.

WHEN THE WORLD IS AT THE TABLE, WHERE IS BLACK AMERICA?

Xi Jinping’s visit should serve as a reminder that many of the key decisions shaping Black America’s economic future will never have the phrase “Black America” included in them. While the headlines may focus on Trump, Xi, tariffs, China, Taiwan, AI, and presidential politics, beneath them is a much bigger struggle over who will manufacture the world’s products, develop its technology, control strategic resources, and dominate future industries.

It is no longer something that Black America can afford to watch another economic transformation take place without being involved and then wonder why it did not get its fair share of the opportunities. We need to understand where the economy is headed, prepare our children for the kinds of industries being developed, build businesses capable of bidding for contracts, and demand that economic policy create real opportunities for communities that have historically received little or no investment.

Rather than asking what the Democrats think about China or what the Republicans think about China, we should look at the implications of America’s relationship with China for our families, our businesses, our schools, and our communities. The world is undergoing economic and technological reorganization, and both the United States and China realize how important it is to prepare for what comes next.

Black America also needs to realize that this transformation will eventually affect the local economy; when the most powerful countries are at the table negotiating the future, our biggest error would be to think that what happens at that table is irrelevant to us.