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Can Independent voters, especially Black independent voters, change elections

DAMON K JONES
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Can Independent voters, especially Black independent voters, change elections

In this episode of People Before Politics, Damon K. Jones and AJ Woodson ask a growing question in New York politics: Can independent voters—especially Black independent voters—change elections?

With unaffiliated voters representing a significant part of New York’s electorate, Damon and AJ examine the political landscape and the race for governor between Kathy Hochul and Bruce Blakeman. The conversation moves beyond Democrat versus Republican to ask whether independent voters should be viewed as their own political constituency, with priorities that neither major party can afford to take for granted.

They discuss affordability, property taxes, energy costs, education, public safety, jobs and the overall direction of New York. They also examine why some voters are becoming dissatisfied with traditional party politics and whether Black voters are beginning to measure candidates by results rather than party loyalty.

The central question for Black New Yorkers is simple: What does a candidate actually have to deliver to earn your vote?

It’s People Before Politics—where the conversation is about issues, accountability and what political power should actually produce for our communities.

SAME UNIFORM, DIFFERENT LOYALTY: How Correction Union Leaders Abandoned Their State Brothers and Sisters

DAMON K JONES
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SAME UNIFORM, DIFFERENT LOYALTY: How Correction Union Leaders Abandoned Their State Brothers and Sisters

Once, a rule in the labor movement had meaning: an injury to one is an injury to all. In corrections, this saying should carry even more weight, since correction officers know things many people outside the profession do not. They are aware of the necessity of working overtime, of dangerous staffing levels, of violent inmates, of missed holidays, of exhausted families, and of the fact that each day when they go into a prison they have to accept that anything could happen.

Which is why the October 2 statement in which the organizations of correction officers from New York City, Westchester, Orange and Rockland endorsed Governor Kathy Hochul deserves careful examination. In explaining their support, the leaders referred to provisions relating to pensions, death benefits, residency, and place of work. Although these benefits matter, correction officers should be asking a bigger question of their leaders: What has become of solidarity?

Nearly 2,000 Careers Lost

In February 2025, correction officers in New York State started an unauthorized strike that spread across the entire prison system. They raised concerns about chronic understaffing, mandatory overtime, workplace safety, and the HALT Act. The dispute continued for about three weeks and ultimately left around 2,000 correctional officers unemployed.

No matter what people may think about the legality of the strike, it’s wrong to assume that those officers just woke up one morning and decided they didn’t want to work. The system had reached a breaking point; they were husbands, wives, mothers, fathers, and grandparents with mortgages, children, health insurance, retirement arrangements, and many years of career investment.

The Governor’s administration reacted vigorously. In addition to the dismissals, her March 2025 executive order included measures designed to bar officers dismissed for taking part in the strike from taking positions in certain state or local government bodies. Therefore, for correction officers in New York, their past should factor into their unions’ decisions about which political figures they will publicly back.

Fire Correction Officers—Then Keep the National Guard

One of the most striking contradictions concerns the action taken with the New York National Guard. When the strike was underway, Hochul put the Guard on active duty in order to carry out operations within the state’s correctional facilities, an arrangement that can be seen as an emergency measure since thousands of correction officers were missing. The issue, however, is that the National Guard did not simply withdraw after the strike ended, and about 2,000 officers were subsequently discharged.

A year and a half later, National Guard staff were still supporting New York’s correctional system while DOCCS struggled to rebuild its workforce. As late as September 30, 2026, the New York State Division of Military and Naval Affairs referred to its support of DOCCS as an “Enduring Mission”, with Guard and Naval Militia personnel adding to the number of DOCCS personnel at the correctional facilities.

The National Guard aren’t the issue since they have carried out the duty assigned to them and should be respected for their service. The real policy question is how New York could dismiss about 2,000 experienced correction officers and, more than a year later, still rely on military personnel to assist with prison operations because the professional correction-officer workforce has not recovered adequately.

Since the state has been unable to rebuild its correction workforce sufficiently to end the National Guard mission within its prisons, correction officers ought to question why this situation exists. They should also wonder whether losing so many experienced officers has made the already severe staffing problem even harder to resolve.

Same Uniform, Same Danger

It could be claimed that county, city, and state correction officers have different employers, contracts, and pension schemes. That may be so, but concrete and steel don’t matter who pays your salary. So the danger faced by an officer who is assaulted in a state prison is no different from the danger faced by one who is assaulted in Rikers Island or in a county jail.

The spouse who stays at home while an officer carries out another mandatory overtime shift does not feel any different because the uniform indicates that the officer is with DOCCS, the NYC DOC, Westchester, Orange or Rockland; although the patches vary and the employers are different, it is still the case that these officers are in the same profession and encounter many of the same problems concerning recruitment, retention, overtime, and staffing.

HALT Hasn’t Gone Away

The HALT Solitary Confinement Act was also a major point of controversy during the 2025 correction crisis. Following the strike, representatives from DOCCS, NYSCOPBA,, and other concerned parties reviewed possible changes and reached a unanimous agreement on ten recommendations addressing safety, discipline, and prison operations.

There are valid concerns regarding the need to protect prisoners from abusive isolation, but there are similarly serious issues to consider about separating violent individuals, keeping institutional order, and ensuring the safety of staff and other prisoners. Those involved with the correction union and supporting candidates should ask for specific answers on HALT, staffing, mandatory overtime, recruitment, and officer safety rather than letting those issues vanish when election season comes around.

What Did These Endorsements Buy?

The correction unions in the downstate area gave reasons for their endorsements based on genuine achievements; the union from New York City mentioned the recovery of a retirement benefit that had existed for 20 years, the leaders from Westchester and Orange talked about death-benefit legislation, and those from Rockland referred to provisions relating to residency and employment.

Although correction officers merit those benefits, it shouldn’t be necessary for anyone to ignore what happened to their state colleagues. Politics must not become entirely transactional, since a politician may pass legislation that benefits one union while ignoring the situation of thousands of officers in other parts of the profession.

Even though correction officers can welcome improvements to pensions and death benefits, they can still question how state officers are treated. They may thank the governor for signing beneficial legislation but also ask why the National Guard is still taking part in prison operations and what Albany plans to do about staffing and HALT.

Did Westchester’s Rank and File Get a Vote?

This matters to me because I spent 33 years with the Westchester County Department of Correction and served as a union delegate for 13 years. As a delegate, I remember the executive board voting on political endorsements, but I do not recall those endorsements being brought before the full rank-and-file membership for a vote. There is an important difference between an executive board voting to endorse a candidate and the membership itself voting to endorse that candidate.

That is my personal recollection from more than three decades in the department and 13 years as a union delegate, and it raises an important question about this endorsement: Did the rank-and-file correction officers of Westchester County actually vote to endorse Kathy Hochul, or did the union’s executive board decide this endorsement? If the membership voted, the union should make the results public. If not, the union should make it clear this was an endorsement by leadership—not necessarily the political choice of the correction officers the union represents.

The difference matters because NYSCOPBA conducted its gubernatorial endorsement differently. The union said 1,478 members took part in the vote and that 95 percent of those who voted backed Bruce Blakeman. Whether or not one agrees with someone’s political views, the membership at least had a direct say, and the outcome was made public.

The October 2 statement in support of Hochul did not include the comparable figures showing the results of the membership votes from the organizations endorsing her. If the members did vote, then publish the figures and let them speak for themselves. If the decisions were made by the leadership or executive boards, just state that, since the fact that ‘the union endorsed Kathy Hochul’ does not mean that the rank-and-file correction officers voted in favor of her.

Having spent 33 years in the corrections system, I can say that the individuals who walk the tiers don’t always think exactly like those at the executive table. While union leaders have every right to maintain their political connections, it is only fair that when they link the political opinion of the whole membership to a particular candidate, their members should be given clear information about who actually made that decision.

Same Uniform, Different Loyalty

The ordinary officers in Westchester, Orange, Rockland and New York City shouldn’t be held responsible for the decisions taken by the union leadership. Rather, they should be inquiring as to why the handling of about 2,000 state officers didn’t have greater significance, why National Guard members are still taking part in operations at state prisons, what the plan is regarding HALT and staffing, and whether the union’s endorsement was based on a real vote by the members.

The professional interests of correctional officers in New York go beyond what their political endorsements suggest. An officer patrolling a tier in a state prison is on the same wavelength as one working at Rikers, and the officer serving in Westchester understands the pressures that officers in Orange and Rockland face since they all know what it is like to go into a correctional facility and take on the responsibility of keeping safety and order.

The patches might vary, the contracts might differ, and the government paying the wages might be different, but the risks associated with corrections do not respect jurisdictional boundaries. So long as organized labor continues to regard an injury to one as an injury to all, that belief cannot vanish when elections come around, and political relationships are at stake. People wear the same uniform and face the same dangers—and correction officers are entirely within their rights to question whether they are receiving the same loyalty from those who say they represent them.

Black Independent Voter Club Challenges New York Democratic Leaders

Black Westchester
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Black Independent Voter Club Challenges New York Democratic Leaders

The American Freedmen Independent Club is asking whether New York’s policies are producing measurable results for Black voters who have consistently backed Democratic leadership.

For many years, Black voters have been one of the most reliable groups within the Democratic Party, but now, as another election draws near, one Black independent political group in New York is posing a different question: what do Black New Yorkers actually receive in return?

The American Freedmen Independent Club (AFIC) has issued a comprehensive policy statement criticizing New York’s political leadership on employment, education, taxes, homeownership, energy, transportation, government hiring, business ownership, family policy, and public safety.

READ FULL STATEMENT HERE

A broader debate underlies those issues: Black political power should be judged by results, not party loyalty.

AFIC expresses that philosophy in its motto: “No Permanent Friends. No Permanent Enemies. Only Permanent Interests.” But why does the organization think that Black voters need to adopt that approach?

AFIC maintains that Black New Yorkers have on numerous occasions shown their political loyalty even though they have had to face unemployment, poor schools, high housing costs, limited opportunities to become homeowners, high taxes, and obstacles to building up wealth over generations. The organization therefore believes that people should be willing to challenge the political institutions which they have usually supported when there is no tangible evidence of positive outcomes.

It doesn’t mean that we should automatically switch our support from the Democrats to the Republicans. According to AFIC, political independence involves applying the same standard to whichever party is in power. Since the Democrats currently control New York’s governorship and Legislature, those bodies are the immediate focus of the questions.

Employment is one example.

AFIC refers to New York’s initiative to link migrants and asylum seekers with employment, noting that over 18,000 private-sector job vacancies have been identified at hundreds of companies. The organization states that it does not oppose migrants working and supporting themselves; rather, it questions why the ongoing problem of Black unemployment and underemployment has not led to a similar government effort involving employers, agencies, apprenticeships, and career pipelines.

The same applies to government employment. The NY HELPS scheme in New York has greatly increased the number of posts filled by allowing many positions to be filled without going through the normal civil-service examinations. AFIC is calling for demographic transparency and asking how many of these jobs went to Black New Yorkers, how many went to Black men and women, what their salaries were, and how many led to permanent careers.

But employment is only part of the organization’s economic concern.

AFIC argues that high taxes—particularly property taxes—can become a killer of Black generational wealth in New York.

For generations, Black families have been encouraged to buy homes, build equity and leave property to their children. Yet a family can spend 20 or 30 years paying off a mortgage only to enter retirement facing property taxes that function like another mortgage that never disappears.

Wealth accumulated over a generation can vanish when long-time homeowners are finally forced to sell, or when their children cannot pay for the maintenance of the property they inherited.

AFIC maintains that the government cannot take the issue of closing the black wealth gap seriously unless it also considers how black families can buy homes, retain them, and then pass them on to their children and grandchildren.

Transportation creates another burden.

AFIC specifically mentions the tolls charged by E-ZPass, congestion-related fees,, and other transportation costs that affect workers who have to drive because of their jobs, their businesses, their schedules, or their family responsibilities.

Although Albany may consider tolls, property taxes, insurance, and transportation separately, families have to pay all of those bills out of the same bank account. Each extra dollar spent on commuting is one that cannot be used for savings, retirement, education, investment or for owning a business.

Energy costs present a similar problem.

AFIC contends that New York’s energy policies should be evaluated not only on their environmental goals but also on affordability and reliability; it cites the 2021 closure of Indian Point as an example of the need for major energy decisions to include realistic plans for replacement generation and consumer costs.

Families cannot simply stop using electricity when prices rise. According to AFIC, higher utility bills leave less money for saving, paying down debt, education, retirement, and investment.

Education may be where AFIC’s results-based philosophy matters most.

The organization cautions that it is not possible to make up for inadequate Black student achievement by altering the role of the Regents examinations, and it is advocating for measurable results in reading and mathematics as well as more effective pathways into the fields of trades, construction, healthcare, cybersecurity, engineering, artificial intelligence, and advanced manufacturing.

The same standard applies to Black businesses. Instead of simply counting programs and allocated money, AFIC wants to know how many sustainable Black businesses were created, survived, hired employees, received capital, and secured government contracts.

AFIC also raises concerns about parental involvement in consequential medical decisions involving minors, the importance of mothers and fathers in family policy, and conditions inside New York’s correctional system, where staffing shortages and working conditions continue affecting correction officers and their families.

Taken together, the issues lead back to one political question.

Black voters are constantly told what they should vote against. AFIC wants the conversation to become: What are Black New Yorkers voting for?

The organization says elected officials should be able to demonstrate what their policies have produced in employment, education, homeownership, business ownership, household affordability, and generational wealth.

Its standard is simple: What was promised? What was implemented? What were the actual results?

For AFIC, “No Permanent Friends. No Permanent Enemies. Only Permanent Interests” is therefore more than a political slogan.

It argues that Black political support should be tied to measurable Black progress.

BLACK POLICING IN BLACK AMERICA: Can Black Law-Enforcement Leadership Create a New Model for Public Safety?

DAMON K JONES
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BLACK POLICING IN BLACK AMERICA: Can Black Law-Enforcement Leadership Create a New Model for Public Safety?


Chatham County Sheriff Richard Coleman’s declaration of war on gangs combines enforcement with counseling, parents, churches, and community intervention — raising a larger question about what Black law-enforcement leadership should look like across America.

The fact that Richard Coleman, the sheriff of Chatham County, said the word “gangs” on several occasions while standing in front of cameras in Georgia should trigger a wider national discussion. By doing so, he was admitting that there is a problem which many Black communities are aware of but which political and law-enforcement leaders often find difficult to talk about without the discussion soon becoming divided between those who want tougher policing and those who are worried about police misconduct.

Coleman didn’t put it that way; instead, he stated that Chatham County has a gang problem, declared that his sheriff’s office was going to take part in the situation, and told parents who have children involved in gangs to act at once. “We’re tired of people dying. We’re tired of people being killed. We’re tired of shootings,” Coleman said when announcing the initiative.

However, the most important aspect of this press conference was the declaration of war.

Coleman surrounded his enforcement message with references to parents, clergy, counselors, victims of violence, and community leaders. His administration’s strategy says law enforcement will deal with those involved in criminal gang activity. At the same time, community institutions must engage the young people, families, and neighborhoods affected by that violence.

That combination deserves examination far beyond Georgia.

BLACK LEADERSHIP AND PUBLIC SAFETY

Chatham County is not a majority-Black county, and that matters. According to the U.S. Census Bureau QuickFacts, the Black population is about 37.7 percent, and the county’s total population is estimated at 312,000 in 2025.

Since Coleman is a Black sheriff serving in a county that includes Savannah and has a large Black population, his statement therefore brings up a wider issue concerning Black law-enforcement leadership in majority-Black cities and in many Black communities throughout America.

Putting a Black person in charge of a police department, a sheriff’s office, or a public-safety agency should not be considered the ultimate measure of progress. Although representation is important, representation alone without actual results leaves the residents with the same problems even when there is a change in leadership.

The real measurement has to be outcomes.

Is it safer for children to walk home? Is the number of shootings going down? Are repeat violent offenders being spotted? Are the residents willing to work with the investigators? Do the officers respect constitutional rights? Are the victims getting the services they need? Is it being done to prevent young people from unnecessarily ending up in the criminal-justice system? And when police officers break the law or violate departmental policy, are they also held accountable?

Black communities should not have to choose between protection from criminals and protection from police misconduct.

They deserve both.

COLEMAN IS PUTTING ENFORCEMENT ON THE TABLE

Coleman’s approach begins with enforcement.

The Chatham County Sheriff’s Office has set up a new gang unit that includes one sergeant and four investigators who report to a lieutenant, with the unit under the command of a major. Officials said the investigators have already begun collecting intelligence and identifying the gangs operating in the county.

Coleman then took the unorthodox action of publicly naming the groups which his office states have been linked by intelligence to gang activity; recent local reporting referred to the announcement as identifying such groups in Savannah and the surrounding areas while at the same time correctly pointing out that the reported associations with gangs do not amount to evidence that any particular individual has committed a crime.

That distinction matters.

It is wrong to say that aggressive policing involves giving up due process. Intelligence does not amount to a conviction, and association does not prove that a person has committed a crime. The leadership of the black police force should be able to take a firm stance on violent crime without sacrificing constitutional protections.

The principles are not contradictory.

Coleman also advised residents to keep their firearms secured, since the department did not want them ending up in the hands of irresponsible people, and he kept referring to the campaign as one aimed at protecting the whole county, not policing a specific community.

That is where the national discussion should begin.

ENFORCEMENT ALONE ISN’T THE PLAN

What made this press conference different from a typical “tough on crime” announcement was that several people stood beside the law enforcement officers.

Rev. Manuel and his wife Angela said that in 2015 they had lost their daughter to gun violence and then went on to bring up their son. They mentioned that counseling had helped their grandson come to terms with the loss of his mother rather than let the grief turn into vengeance.

The foundation is now aiming to offer counseling not just to those victims and families who have been affected by gun violence but also to individuals who have committed crimes.

That is significant.

What they are really doing is admitting that it is impossible to make up for all the things that caused the violence once the violence has taken place.

Dr. Lisha Dean also talked about offering free counseling, including specialized help for young people who have been affected by gun violence; her main emphasis was on mental health, decision-making, and mentorship as means of enabling young people to make choices.

This results in two tracks being operated at the same time.

For those who commit violent crimes, there is an accountability program and one which is intended to prevent a later generation from becoming either perpetrators or victims.

The idea is by no means absent from current criminal-justice research, since the National Institute of Justice’s CrimeSolutions initiative has rated focused-deterrence strategies as “Promising” based on studies that direct enforcement and intervention toward high-risk offenders and groups rather than viewing entire neighborhoods as consisting of criminal populations. Different programs may yield different results, which is yet another reason why outcomes should be measured rather than assumed.

PARENTS CANNOT BE REMOVED FROM THE EQUATION

Perhaps one of the most uncomfortable portions of the press conference concerned parents.

Coleman expressly told parents that when their children were associated with gangs, they should talk to them and get them to get away from that activity. Other speakers went a step further, saying families often know more about what their children are up to than they are willing to admit.

That conversation is necessary.

The government can’t bring up our children, the police can’t bring up our children, schools can’t take the place of parents, churches can’t take the place of parents, and community organizations can’t take the place of parents.

Support can be obtained from all of those institutions, but accountability also needs to be present in the home.

When explaining the overall strategy, the chief deputy of the sheriff made that point too. He stated that the response had to start with parents and family members and then include churches, schools, and law enforcement; he also wanted law-enforcement agencies throughout Chatham County to take part instead of leaving it all to the sheriff’s office.

That could be one of the most important lessons for Black communities across the nation.

Public safety forms an ecosystem.

BLACK POLICING MUST ALSO MEAN ACCOUNTABLE POLICING

There are valid questions regarding Coleman’s initiative, and they should not simply vanish merely because we agree that gang violence needs to be dealt with.

At the press conference, reporters questioned him about funding, cooperation with prosecutors, and the need for specialized training.

Coleman said five existing positions had been used to form the unit and that he and his chief deputy would assess the additional financial requirements before going to county officials.

More importantly, when asked whether the new gang unit had been discussed with the district attorney’s office, Coleman replied, “No,” indicating the unit was a sheriff’s office initiative.

The reporter also questioned whether the sergeant associated with the unit had received gang-specific training, noting that although he had completed more than 3,000 hours of training, only five of those hours were related to gangs. In response, Coleman stated that the certification held by Georgia peace officers allows them to carry out investigations and highlighted the sergeant’s experience in this area, adding that further training would be acquired if needed.

The importance of those questions is that declaring war is easy. Building cases that can stand up to judicial scrutiny is harder.

If this initiative is to serve as a national example, success must ultimately be shown in measurable outcomes such as shootings, homicides, gang recruitment, guns seized in connection with criminal cases, clearance rates, the number of successful prosecutions, and both recidivism and community trust.

DOES BLACK LEADERSHIP CHANGE POLICING?

Some research suggests police leadership deserves more attention.

A study that had been peer-reviewed and which appeared in the journal Social Science Quarterly looked at the cases of fatal shootings by police in the 100 largest cities in America from January 2015 to June 2020. The study discovered that the rate of fatal shootings of officers per capita was lower in cities where the police chief was Black as compared to those where the chief was white, the difference still being present after the researchers had taken into account several city characteristics such as crime rates.

It should not be taken as demonstrating that having a Black person in a position of authority automatically leads to improved policing. The study offers several possible explanations and notes its limitations.

It does, however, underline an important point: leadership and organizational culture matter.

A Black chief or sheriff who has an understanding of the history that exists between law enforcement and Black America may thus hold a special position; they can appreciate why residents call for police accountability and at the same time realize that the grandmother who avoids sitting on her porch because of the threat of gunfire also has civil rights.

The mother whose son is wrongly stopped by police deserves justice.

So does the mother whose son was murdered.

Those truths can exist simultaneously.

BLACK AMERICA DOES NOT HAVE TO CHOOSE

For too long, America has treated policing as an ideological choice. One argument is that the police should be supported. One suggests that the police should be reformed.

Black America ought to call for a more sophisticated form of policing—one that is effective, constitutional, and accountable.

We can ask police officers to respect citizens just as we require citizens to respect the law. We can require that consequences be imposed on an officer who abuses his authority just as we demand that consequences be given to someone who shoots into a crowd. We can provide funding for counseling and mentorship even though we still arrest people who are responsible for serious violence.

One does not conflict with the other.

That is why the events that took place in Chatham County should interest people beyond Chatham County.

Richard Coleman has not yet shown that his scheme will succeed. That assessment must be based on results, not on a press conference. The department will have to prove that its intelligence is accurate, that the investigators are properly trained, that the prosecutions are supported by evidence, that the constitutional protections are preserved and that violence in fact decreases.

But Coleman has presented an important proposition.

There is no need for black leadership within law enforcement to adopt the failed extremes that characterize the debate over policing in America.

There can be another model.

It could protect the community without treating the community as a criminal group. It could arrest violent offenders without considering every Black man to be a suspect. It could require parental responsibility while also offering families resources. It could get the churches involved without expecting prayer to take the place of policy. It could provide counseling without pretending that counseling replaces consequences.

And it can recognize something Black America should never have been asked to forget:

Public safety is a civil right too.

The question now is whether Chatham County can turn that principle into measurable results — and whether Black law-enforcement leaders in cities across America are willing to examine what works, reject what does not, and build public-safety models designed around the communities they actually serve.

Independent Voters Are Sending Kathy Hochul a Warning — Even as She Leads Statewide

DAMON K JONES
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Independent Voters Are Sending Kathy Hochul a Warning — Even as She Leads Statewide

Before examining any of the polls in the 2026 race for governor, New Yorkers should realize just how significant the role of voters who do not belong to a major political party has become. The state refers to people who do not enroll with a recognized political party as ‘blank’ or unaffiliated voters, not as members of the ‘Independent Party’. The state’s election law expressly permits voters to stay unaffiliated with any political party.

This is no minor political constituency; recent registration figures from New York show that unaffiliated voters make up about one-quarter of all registered voters in the state, making them a significant portion of the electorate. In October 2024, around 3.3 million people in New York were unaffiliated, making them the state’s second-largest group of registered voters after the Democrats and more than the registered Republicans.

The difference between registration and polling is significant. A person who has registered without declaring a party affiliation is not necessarily the same as someone who identifies as an independent when responding to a poll. Yet both figures show that voters outside the conventional Democratic and Republican groups deserve close consideration in the race for governor.

And now we come to Governor Kathy Hochul.

Although Hochul is still ahead of Republican Bruce Blakeman in statewide polls, those figures carry a warning that should not be ignored. Independent voters are expressing considerably greater dissatisfaction with Hochul than Democratic voters, and one large poll covering the state shows that a majority of independents have an unfavorable view of the governor.

It doesn’t mean independent voters as a group have decided to vote against Hochul; it does show that one of New York’s most significant voter groups is far less satisfied with the incumbent governor than the overall statewide race figures might at first suggest.

Independents View Hochul Unfavorably

The September poll by Quinnipiac University perhaps illustrates most clearly the complicated relationship that Hochul has with independent voters; the survey, which interviewed 1,026 likely voters from New York between September 17 and September 20, showed Hochul ahead of Blakeman at the state level, 58% to 39%.

Hochul led independent voters in the Quinnipiac ballot question, with 51% supporting her to 45% for Blakeman.

However, one figure certainly deserves more attention.

Of the independents, 36 percent said they had a favorable opinion of Hochul, while 52 percent said they had an unfavorable one.

Consider what the two figures together indicate. Although Hochul obtained 51% of the independent votes in the ballot head-to-head contest, only 36% of independents held a favorable opinion of her.

These results suggest that some independent voters may be willing to vote for Hochul even though they do not favor her, indicating that voting intention and favourability are distinct measures and that it is important to understand this difference when assessing this election.

People need not like a candidate to vote for them; they may dislike the other candidate more, agree with a candidate on a particular issue, vote strategically, or return to their normal partisan preference.

A governor who is currently in office and has a majority of independents rating him unfavorably should nevertheless attract attention.

Siena Gives Us Another Picture

The September Siena poll makes the issue of independent voters even more interesting.

Siena showed Hochul ahead of Blakeman statewide by 50% to 41%, a much smaller lead than Quinnipiac found. However, among independent voters, the opposite was true, with Blakeman at 44% and Hochul at 39%.

It wasn’t a one-month result; in August, the Siena poll showed Blakeman leading the independents 45% to 40%, so his five-point lead among independents was still five points in September.

Two well-respected statewide polls currently show different results for independent voters: Quinnipiac indicates that Hochul wins with 51% compared to 45%, whereas Siena shows Blakeman leading with 44% to 39%.

The disagreement should not lead anyone to say independent voters have already picked one candidate.

Polling gives only a snapshot, not the actual election result, and subgroup samples are usually smaller, so uncertainty is greater than in the overall statewide figures. Yet both polls give us good reasons to watch voters outside the Democratic and Republican bases.

Dissatisfaction Does Not Automatically Mean Blakeman Support

Another significant aspect of the Quinnipiac poll deserves attention. People’s dissatisfaction with Hochul doesn’t mean they must support Blakeman.

28 percent of independents said they held a favorable view of Blakeman, 34 percent said they held an unfavorable view of him, and another 37 percent stated that they had not heard enough about him to form an opinion.

By contrast, 36% of independents held favorable views of Hochul, while 52% held unfavorable ones.

Hochul’s problem is therefore not necessarily that independent voters have fallen in love with her Republican opponent; the figures indicate that many independents have serious reservations about the incumbent and that many still know little about the challenger.

It sets up a completely different political situation.

What Matters to Independent Voters?

The priorities independents identify may explain why this group deserves more attention.

In the Quinnipiac survey, 26 percent of independent voters said that the cost of living was their most important issue when deciding how to vote for governor. In comparison, 22 percent chose the economy, and 12 percent picked health care.

Those are kitchen-table concerns.

For people in New York, the cost of living is not something that can be discussed in an academic or political context; it means the amount they have to pay for groceries, their rent, their mortgage payments, their property taxes, their utility bills, transportation and insurance, and whether or not a working family can still afford to live in the community where it resides.

The economy is not just a matter of figures provided by Albany or Washington; voters experience it through their paychecks and household expenses.

That situation poses a special challenge for an incumbent governor since voters aren’t assessing a hypothetical administration. Hochul has been governor since 2021, so when New Yorkers decide whether the state is moving in the direction they want, they have several years of her administration to judge it.

The NY-23 Poll Adds Another Data Point

The latest Cygnal poll from New York’s 23rd Congressional District adds another element to this discussion, even though the figures must be interpreted carefully.

From September 19th through September 21st, Cygnal conducted live telephone interviews and SMS contacts with 400 people likely to vote in the 2026 general election in NY-23. The poll has a margin of error of plus or minus 4.9 percentage points.

The figures for Hochul in that area are remarkable: her positive rating is just 28%, while 68% find her unfavorable. In the gubernatorial race, Blakeman has 61% compared to Hochul’s 35%.

However, you must be intellectually consistent when discussing polling: NY-23 is a single congressional district, not New York State, and the Cygnal memo does not provide Hochul’s favorable and unfavorable figures specifically among independents.

We therefore have no right to say that 68% of independent voters disapprove of Hochul since that 68% refers to respondents in the entire district.

The part of the poll that covers Congress gives an independent breakdown: Republican Congressman Nick Langworthy has 45% support among independents, compared with Democrat Aaron Gies at 31%, while 24% are undecided.

It doesn’t show how those independents will vote for governor, but it does show that independent voters are still a group worth watching.

The Warning Beneath the Statewide Lead

The more important point is that Kathy Hochul is not losing the election, since current statewide polling does not support that assertion.

The reason given is that Hochul can govern across the state even though she faces considerable dissatisfaction among independent voters.

In two successive polls, Siena has Blakeman ahead among independents. While Quinnipiac’s poll shows Hochul winning the ballot matchup among independents, the same poll indicates that 52% of independents view her negatively, compared with only 36% who view her favorably.

The figures shouldn’t just vanish under a headline that covers the entire state.

There are millions of voters in New York who are not registered with either of the two major parties, and they have no obligation to protect a Democratic incumbent, nor are they automatically voting for a Republican candidate; instead, their choice may be based on affordability, the state of the economy, taxes, public safety, education, health care, or on their view of how the state government is performing.

Which is why the independent figures are worth looking at.

The question that will be facing people in November is not just whether Kathy Hochul will be able to keep her lead in the statewide polls; it is also what will become of the independent voters who currently hold an unfavorable view of her, especially those who at present say that they would still vote for her.

Will they stay with Hochul? Might some of them move towards Blakeman as they find out more about him? Or will others go with a different candidate or just decide not to vote?

The polls haven’t answered those questions yet.

Since about a quarter of registered voters in New York do not belong to any political party, failing to account for them would be like ignoring a major part of the state’s political landscape. Although the overall figures show the race’s current position, the figures for independents reveal where some of the uncertainties still

Mt Vernon NAACP 2026 Freedom Fund Masquerade Gala

Black Westchester
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Mt Vernon NAACP 2026 Freedom Fund Masquerade Gala

The Mount Vernon Branch of the NAACP invites you to an unforgettable evening of elegance, empowerment, education, and community at the 2026 Freedom Fund Masquerade Gala.

This year, the Mount Vernon NAACP will honor Westchester County Executive Ken Jenkins; Dr. Jamal Doggett – Mount Vernon City School District Assistant Superintendent for Curriculum, Instruction, and Administration; Joanne Dunn – Executive Director of the Youth Shelter Program of Westchester; Antoinette Cusato; Andrea Molina – City of Mount Vernon Director of Veterans’ Services; and Catherine Webb – paralibrarian at Mount Vernon Public Library, for their outstanding contributions and continued commitment to advancing justice, equality, education, and opportunity in our communities.

📅 Thursday, October 29, 2026
🕡 6:30 PM – 11:00 PM
📍 Greentree Country Club
538 Davenport Avenue
New Rochelle, NY 10805

🎟️ Tickets:
$175 per person
$1,500 for a table of 10

Admission includes dinner, open bar, music, and entertainment.

Sponsorships, journal advertisements, and donations are also welcome. Your support helps the Mount Vernon NAACP continue its work to advance justice, expand educational opportunities, empower our community, and strengthen the Mount Vernon NAACP’s mission while showcasing your business, organization, or message to the community.

Purchase tickets online or scan the QR code on the event flyer or CLICK HERE!

Join the Mount Vernon NAACP as they celebrate community excellence while supporting the ongoing fight for civil rights and equal opportunity.

The Mount Vernon branch of the NAACP is Branch #2161 holds its general membership meetings on the third Thursday of every month at Macedonia Baptist Church.

Nilda Hofmann Named First Deputy Commissioner of Westchester County Public Safety, Breaking Two Historic Barriers

AJ Woodson
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Nilda Hofmann Named First Deputy Commissioner of Westchester County Public Safety, Breaking Two Historic Barriers

Westchester County District Attorney’s Office Chief of the Investigations Division John O’Rourke Named Deputy Commissioner

WHITE PLAINS, N.Y. — Westchester County Executive Ken Jenkins announced two senior leadership appointments to the Westchester County Department of Public Safety, including a historic first for the agency.

Public Safety Commissioner Terrance Raynor has named Nilda Hofmann as First Deputy Commissioner and John O’Rourke as Deputy Commissioner. According to the County, Hofmann becomes the first Hispanic and first woman to serve in a leadership position within the Department of Public Safety.

“Public safety is one of the most fundamental responsibilities we have in County government,” CE Jenkins said, praising both appointees for their experience in law enforcement, investigations and community engagement.

Hofmann brings 30 years of experience with the New York City Police Department, where she rose from police officer to bureau chief. Her senior positions included Chief of Community Affairs and Chief of Transportation, as well as commanding officer of the 25th and 52nd Precincts.

As Chief of Community Affairs, Hofmann supervised approximately 5,600 employees across the School Safety, Crime Prevention, Youth Strategies and Community Outreach divisions. She later oversaw more than 4,000 uniformed and civilian personnel as Chief of Transportation.

Her background also includes work in the Hudson Valley at Dutchess Community College and in a hospital setting, giving her experience with public safety issues in academic and healthcare environments.

“I am honored to join the Westchester County Department of Public Safety,” Hofmann said. “I look forward to working with the Department’s dedicated men and women, County leadership, and our community partners to build on the Department’s outstanding work and continue serving Westchester County residents.”

O’Rourke Named Deputy Commissioner

O’Rourke joins the Department from the Westchester County District Attorney’s Office, where he has served as Chief of the Investigations Division.

In that position, he has supervised investigations involving hate crimes, public integrity, major economic crimes, cybercrime, gang violence and homicides.

O’Rourke has spent more than two decades with the Westchester DA’s Office, holding several senior roles, including Bureau Chief of Gangs, Firearms and Narcotics, Bureau Chief of the Major Case Bureau and Deputy Chief of the Homicide Bureau.

Since 2015, he has also served as a Special Assistant U.S. Attorney for the Southern District of New York, working with federal prosecutors and the FBI on gang and gang-violence cases.

Before joining the Westchester DA’s Office in 2002, O’Rourke worked as an Assistant District Attorney in Manhattan, where he prosecuted homicides and violent felonies.

Raynor said the appointments bring “tremendous experience” to the Department’s leadership team.

The Westchester County Department of Public Safety serves as the County’s primary law enforcement agency and also provides specialized services to local police departments across Westchester. County materials describe the Department as providing services including emergency response, investigations, marine operations, specialized tactical units, and other countywide public safety functions. Westchester County Government

Stay with Black Westchester for more news on public safety and County government across Westchester.

Mayor Spano & Yonkers Fire Dept. Urge Residents To “CHARGE INTO FIRE SAFETY”

AJ Woodson
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Mayor Spano & Yonkers Fire Dept. Urge Residents To “CHARGE INTO FIRE SAFETY”

Fire Prevention Week (FPW™), October 4–10, 2026, Highlights Safe Charging Practices and Lithium-Ion Battery Safety

YONKERS, N.Y. — Yonkers Mayor Mike Spano and the Yonkers Fire Department are joining the National Fire Protection Association for Fire Prevention Week, October 4–10, 2026, with this year’s campaign focusing on safe charging practices and the dangers associated with lithium-ion batteries.

The 2026 theme, “Charge into Fire Safety: Safe Charging Is a Superpower,” highlights precautions residents can take when charging everyday devices such as cell phones, tablets, laptops, power tools, toys, e-bikes and scooters.

“Rechargeable devices are part of our everyday lives, but we can’t take their safety for granted,” Mayor Mike Spano said. “A few simple precautions can make a big difference in keeping our families and our community safe.”

According to the city, the Yonkers Fire Department responded to 10 battery-related fires in 2025. So far in 2026, that number has been cut in half.

Yonkers Fire Commissioner William Fitzpatrick said this year’s campaign places particular emphasis on lithium-ion battery safety while continuing to reinforce basic fire prevention measures such as maintaining working smoke alarms, creating an emergency exit plan, and knowing when to call 911.

Lithium-ion batteries store significant amounts of energy in a small space. When damaged, improperly charged, or exposed to excessive heat, they can overheat, catch fire, or, in some cases, explode.

Yonkers Fire Department Safety Tips

  • Residents are being urged to:
  • Use the charger and cord that came with the device or one approved by the manufacturer.
  • Charge devices on a hard, flat surface such as a table or desk — not on beds, couches, or under pillows where heat can become trapped.
  • Stop using a device if it becomes unusually hot, begins to swell, smokes or gives off a strange odor.
  • Unplug devices once they are fully charged.
  • Charge larger batteries, including those used in e-bikes, scooters, and power tools, away from exits and whenever possible in a safe outdoor location.
  • Keep devices visible while charging during air travel and never charge e-cigarettes or vaping devices aboard an aircraft.

Lithium-ion batteries may be recycled or disposed of at the Yonkers Recycling Center, 735 Saw Mill River Road.

Fire Prevention Week Events

The Yonkers Fire Department is also holding a series of educational events, including firehouse tours, school-based seminars and demonstrations involving its smoke trailer.

Scheduled locations include:

  • Khalil Gibran School, 18 Rosedale Road — October 2 and 5
  • Annunciation School, 465 Westchester Avenue — October 5
  • Rosemarie Ann Siragusa School, 60 Crescent Place — October 6
  • Westchester Hills School 29, 47 Croydon Road — October 7
  • Montessori School 27, 132 Valentine Lane — October 13
  • Casimir Pulaski School, 150 Kings Cross — October 22

Lieutenant Devon Chisholm of the Yonkers Fire Prevention Bureau said much of the department’s outreach is focused on school-age children in hopes they will bring the message home to their families.

“We want fire prevention to become part of their daily routine,” Chisholm said. “Safe charging means making smart choices every time you plug in.”

The Yonkers City Hall Clock Tower will be illuminated red and white on October 4 in recognition of Fire Prevention Week. The City of Yonkers is also accepting applications for its 2026–2027 Firefighter Examination, with the filing deadline set for Wednesday, November 25, 2026.

Stay with Black Westchester for more community news and public safety information from across Westchester County.

18,000 JOBS FOR MIGRANTS — BUT WHERE IS THE BLACK EMPLOYMENT EMERGENCY?

DAMON K JONES
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18,000 JOBS FOR MIGRANTS — BUT WHERE IS THE BLACK EMPLOYMENT EMERGENCY?

New York Found the Resources, Personnel, and Political Will to Address Migrant Employment. Black New Yorkers Deserve to Know Why Their Employment Crisis Has Not Received the Same Urgency.

What New York has shown us about government is that when political leaders treat a problem as an emergency, the government can act swiftly. Agencies can coordinate, workers can be assigned, employers can be recruited, barriers can be removed, money can be made available, and public campaigns can be launched. The machinery of government then becomes surprisingly efficient whenever politicians decide that a particular issue merits immediate attention.

That is precisely what took place when the administration of Governor Kathy Hochul dealt with the migrant crisis. In October 2023 the governor declared that New York had found more than 18,000 job vacancies at 379 employers who were willing to employ migrants and asylum seekers who had obtained legal work authorization. The state set up a registration procedure, dealt directly with employers, started a public awareness campaign and assigned 70 state employees from 16 agencies to the initiative. Hochul described the policy in simple terms by saying “Migrants and asylum seekers came to this country to work — so let’s get them working.”

There is no inherent flaw in assisting legally admitted migrants in becoming self-sufficient, since getting them out of shelters that are funded by taxpayers and into work can cut public expenditures while enabling them to support themselves. What Black New Yorkers ought to be asking is not why help was given to migrants, but rather why the government has not shown the same level of focused urgency in addressing a Black employment problem that was present long before the migrant buses began arriving in New York.

Where is the Black Emergency?

It’s not just a question of perception; figures from New York itself show the issue.

In April 2026 the New York State Comptroller, Thomas DiNapoli, stated that Black unemployment in New York City was 8.9 per cent in 2025, which was more than three times the unemployment rate for White New Yorkers; his office also pointed out that Black New Yorkers formed one of the demographic groups suffering from persistently high unemployment.

The pattern is striking: Black unemployment remained the highest of the three groups in every year shown. It fell from about 10.8% in 2022 to 8.3% in 2024, but increased again to 8.9% in 2025. Meanwhile, White unemployment was 2.6% in 2025, meaning the Black rate was more than three times as high. Hispanic unemployment was 6.3%

Consider this from a logical point of view: although thousands of migrants had a need for work, New York had identified employers, brought in 16 agencies, assigned 70 state employees and set up a system that linked people directly with jobs that were available, the unemployment rate among Black New Yorkers is more than three times that of White New Yorkers—so where then was the similar statewide employment campaign for Black people?

What about the 70 state employees who have been specifically assigned to bridge that gap? What has happened to the hundreds of employers who have been recruited as part of a drive to promote Black employment? Where is the statewide portal that links unemployed Black New Yorkers with employers? And where is the governor standing in front of the podium declaring that Black unemployment is unacceptable and setting out measurable targets for reducing it?

Those questions are not opposed to immigration; they support accountability.

NY HELPS Proves Government Can Remove Barriers

New York has also shown it can rethink how it hires government staff. In June 2026, Hochul extended NY HELPS until June 2028; the program facilitates hiring for a large number of state and local government jobs by temporarily removing the normal civil-service examination requirements for eligible posts. The program has already made over 60,000 appointments.

Once more, NY HELPS is not a programme for migrants. The vacancies are available to qualified members of the public, including Black New Yorkers. Yet the fact that it exists shows the bigger truth: Albany knows how to identify obstacles to employment and will alter the system when it considers it necessary.

This raises another reasonable question: of those more than 60,000 appointments, how many were allocated to Black New Yorkers? How many were given to Black men? How many came from areas that have consistently suffered from high unemployment? How many came from neighborhoods in which generations of families have paid taxes to New York but are still unable to secure stable middle-class employment?

The government ought to make those results public. A program shouldn’t be assessed merely by how many people it has employed; we should also know whether it has reduced the employment disparities the government was already aware of.

This Is Bigger Than Jobs 

The frustration many Black people in New York feel is not something that occurs on its own; employment is only one element of a much bigger affordability and opportunity issue.

If you look at transportation, the New York congestion-charging scheme charges most E-ZPass passenger vehicles $9 when entering Manhattan below 60th Street during peak times. Certain eligible drivers receive discounts and exemptions, and the administration says that congestion pricing reduces traffic, improves air quality, and provides funds for mass transit. These are the benefits that the administration has stated.

Policy should also be viewed from the perspective of the ordinary worker who has to pay the bills. A home health aide, a tradesman, a small-business owner, a delivery person, or another worker who has to drive does not see government policy as a press release; instead, he experiences it through his E-ZPass account, his utility bill, his mortgage payment, his rent, and his property-tax bill.

Housing poses the same problem. The high price of property has made homeownership increasingly out of reach for many working families. This is particularly important for Black families, since homeownership is still one of the main ways generational wealth is built and passed on. If housing costs rise faster than families can increase income and save money, telling people the economy is growing becomes almost meaningless; they can’t buy an asset where they live.

Property tax bills make the problem of affording housing worse. So do rising energy costs. Each extra recurring expense for a household leaves less money for saving, investing, starting businesses, educating children, and passing on assets to the next generation.

What the government should do is to begin assessing its policies according to their outcomes rather than their intentions.

Family Policy Matters Too

The controversy surrounding the use of family terms is once again an example of Albany’s priorities causing debate. Presently, New York law enables each parent to decide whether or not to be listed on a birth certificate as “father”, “mother”, or “parent”.

On its own, in 2026 lawmakers introduced legislation which would have substituted gender-neutral terms, such as “gestating parent” and “non-gestating parent”, for the terms “mother”, “father” and others in certain parts of state law. The proposal received opposition from lawmakers who asked Hochul to veto it.

It is possible for people to disagree about that piece of legislation, but Black New Yorkers have a right to question why Albany can devote political energy to redefining the terminology in the statutes when the basic economic inequalities are still not being addressed.

For communities facing unemployment, underperforming schools, unaffordable housing, high property taxes, and rising household expenses, government priorities are not merely abstract cultural discussions. They show citizens which issues their government regards as urgent.

Political Loyalties Should Produce Political Accountability 

Here’s an unpleasant political question.

Black voters have for a long time been one of the Democratic Party’s most reliable groups of supporters. It doesn’t follow that each and every Black voter is a Democrat, nor does it mean that Black people in New York vote as a single bloc. What it does mean is that Democratic candidates have obtained strong support from Black voters in recent elections, which has led to the reasonable assumption that the issues which affect Black communities most should be given serious consideration by Democratic governments.

Voting must never turn into a blank check.

Political support must lead to tangible political results. If unemployment is still greatly higher, then you should inquire as to the reason. If homeownership continues to be difficult, you should examine what policies are affecting that situation. If property taxes are severely undermining working homeowners, call for concrete relief. If rising energy costs are damaging households, ask for a strategy to ensure affordability. If the government is setting up employment infrastructure for one group of people, then you should question why communities that have long suffered from unemployment disadvantages have not received similar attention.

Those are not Republican questions or Democratic questions. They are questions about responsibility.

Black voters should be able to question Hochul in the same way that they should be able to question a Republican governor, a Democratic mayor, a Republican county executive or anyone else who is exercising government power.

The Standard Must Be Outcomes

Governor Hochul ought to explain a specific plan her administration has to reduce Black unemployment. Rather than setting up another commission, rather than having another listening session, rather than making another diversity statement, what is the target? What is the schedule? How many people are going to get jobs? How many apprenticeships will result in permanent careers? How many Black New Yorkers are entering state employment via NY HELPS? How many are becoming homeowners? By how much has the Black unemployment gap in fact decreased?

New York has shown that the government can get things going when it decides to, as shown by the migrant employment initiative. Instead of taking the initiative themselves, seventy state employees and sixteen agencies did not act. The state had decided that coordinated action was necessary because of the situation.

Black New Yorkers are entirely justified in requiring the same level of seriousness about disparities that have existed for decades.

This issue is even bigger than the question of migrants; it is about whether political loyalty translates into real economic progress and whether those who have lived in the country, worked in it, raised their families in it, and paid taxes in it can stay and build wealth here.

When people have to drive, tolls and congestion charges are important. If homeowners have difficulty staying in their homes, property taxes become a concern. Real estate prices matter when the younger generation can no longer afford to buy. When households must decide which bills to pay first, energy costs matter. Family policy matters when Albany changes its long-established terminology while many families ask the government to focus on their economic survival. Above all, employment matters because without steady income, all the other problems become harder.

For Black New Yorkers, the issue must be whether or not someone else is entitled to help, since that way politicians can shirk their responsibilities by pitting one struggling community against another. The more appropriate question is straightforward: if the New York government has the means and political will to develop specific remedies in an emergency affecting another group, why has the ongoing disparity in Black employment not prompted a similarly targeted response?

As long as Albany cannot answer that question with actual, measurable results rather than empty talk, the employment imbalance should be included in the wider discussion of affordability, taxation, housing, energy, and government priorities. Although these policies do not share the same causes or effects and reasonable people might still disagree about each one in isolation, the total effect deserves examination by Black New Yorkers who have given substantial political support to Democratic candidates yet continue to face serious economic disadvantages.

For Black New Yorkers and indeed for Black America as a whole, the criterion should now be results rather than speeches, symbolism, or allegiance to the party. When a policy leads to higher costs, it should be clear who ends up bearing them. When a jobs scheme creates opportunities, it should be clear who gets them. And if the government says it is promoting equity, then it should be checked whether long-standing disparities actually decrease.

Because political support without measurable progress is not an outcome. It is an unanswered question.

League of Women Voters to Host Assembly District 90 Candidate Forum

AJ Woodson
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League of Women Voters to Host Assembly District 90 Candidate Forum

YONKERS, N.Y. — The League of Women Voters of the Rivertowns will host a virtual candidate forum featuring the two candidates seeking to represent New York State Assembly District 90.

Democrat Frank Jereis and Republican John Isaac will participate in the forum on Wednesday, October 7, 2026, from 7 to 8 p.m. The event will be held as a Zoom webinar and is open to the public with advance registration.

Residents can register to watch the forum live at https://bit.ly/assemblydistrict90.

Questions for the candidates must be submitted in advance, either during registration or by email at info@lwv-rivertowns.org. The deadline to submit questions is 6 p.m. Monday, October 5. According to the League, questions will be reviewed by a committee of League members and provided to the moderator before the forum begins.

Jereis and Isaac are competing for the open Assembly District 90 seat currently held by Assemblyman Nader Sayegh, who is not seeking another term. Jereis won the Democratic primary in June, while Isaac is the Republican nominee.

The forum will be recorded and made available afterward through the League of Women Voters of the Rivertowns YouTube channel and at www.lwv-rivertowns.org.

The general election will be held Tuesday, November 3, 2026.

Stay tuned to Black Westchester for continued coverage of the 2026 election.

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