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NEW YORK’S PRISON PROBLEM: STILL NO SOLUTION FOR STATE CORRECTION OFFICERS

Eighteen months on from the correction officer strike revealing a serious crisis within New York State’s prison system, Albany has ended up spending a large sum of money, altered the hiring requirements, increasing recruitment, provided financial incentives, and sent thousands of members of the National Guard into the state’s correctional facilities. Given all this, the people of New York should be asking themselves one basic question: What has actually changed for the correction officers who are in charge of keeping safety and order in our prisons?

Public policy ought not to be evaluated based on press conferences, announcements, or the amount of money the government spends; instead it should be assessed in terms of logic and results, and the results show that New York still has a serious problem with the staffing of its correction officers.

Spectrum News stated that in September 2024, New York had around 14,334 correction officers, sergeants, and lieutenants, prior to the strike in February 2025. The number had dropped to about 11,319 by September 2025 and was down to about 11,113 by September 2026. This amounts to approximately 3,221 fewer uniformed correctional security employees than two years earlier, a decrease of over 22 per cent.

The workforce still decreased by 206 employees between September 2025 and September 2026 as a result of the recruitment campaigns, the incentives offered, and the academy classes. This fact ought to alter the whole discussion since the issue is now not merely how many people New York can recruit but why the city is unable to keep enough correction officers to rebuild its workforce.

The actual situation inside prison walls is quite different from what the statewide staffing figures indicate. In certain housing units a single correction officer has to look after about 100 imprisoned people himself, having to keep order, deal with fights, medical emergencies and mental-health crises while waiting for assistance that might arrive from another similarly understaffed location. When New York discusses prison staffing, policymakers and taxpayers should understand this actual situation.

Why is the National Guard still there?

The most clear-cut proof that New York has not managed to resolve its correctional staffing issue is the fact that thousands of National Guard members are still based within state prisons. Although the Guard was sent in during the 2025 emergency to assist with running the prisons, New York continues to depend on that special measure eighteen months later.

The state has spent hundreds of millions of dollars on the deployment, the total cost is said to be reaching or surpassing $1 billion. Although National Guard members deserve respect for having responded to the call, they are not correction officers and must never permanently replace trained correctional officers.

That creates a logical question Albany must answer. If New York’s correctional staffing situation has truly stabilized, why does the state still need thousands of National Guard personnel helping operate its prisons? Their continued presence suggests that New York has found an expensive way to keep the system functioning without actually solving the workforce problem that created the emergency.

Taxpayers should also understand that the financial cost extends beyond the Guard. New Yorkers are paying for overtime, recruitment incentives, academies, training, advertising, and other measures designed to offset the staffing shortage, while also losing the institutional knowledge of experienced correctional officers who leave the profession.

HALT SHOULD BE JUDGED BY OUTCOMES

Any serious study of New York’s correctional policy must take the HALT Solitary Confinement Act into account. Those in support of the act claim that it was necessary to impose stricter limitations on prolonged segregated confinement in order to protect inmates. On the other hand, correction officers and their representatives have said that the HALT Act has made it more difficult to manage violent or continuously disruptive individuals.

Instead of allowing HALT to remain an ideological argument, New York should judge it the same way every major public policy should be judged: by measurable outcomes. The state should publicly examine whether assaults against correction officers increased or decreased, whether incarcerated-on-incarcerated assaults changed, whether serious disciplinary incidents increased, how use-of-force incidents changed, and whether HALT achieved its humanitarian objectives without creating unacceptable unintended consequences.

If the evidence demonstrates that HALT is achieving its objectives while maintaining institutional safety, the data should demonstrate that. If the evidence shows serious unintended consequences, Albany should have the courage to modify the law rather than allowing politics to override what is actually happening inside the prisons.

NEW YORK NEEDS TO RESPECT THE CORRECTION PROFESSION

New York cannot recruit its way out of this crisis without restoring respect for the correction profession. Correction officers are not simply bodies needed to fill posts, and they should not be treated as interchangeable employees who can be replaced whenever someone retires, resigns, or leaves for another agency. They are trained public-safety professionals responsible for maintaining order, protecting lives, and making critical decisions every day inside one of the most difficult environments in government.

Respect for the profession means listening to correction officers when they raise legitimate concerns about staffing, mandatory overtime, workplace violence, morale, training, management practices, and the operational consequences of laws and policies created in Albany. Listening does not mean officers should dictate every correctional policy. Still, the experience of the people working behind the walls should carry meaningful weight when lawmakers make decisions that affect institutional safety.

It also means recognizing the value of experience. A veteran correction officer with ten, fifteen, or twenty years behind the walls possesses institutional knowledge that cannot simply be replaced by putting a recruit through an academy. Experienced officers learn how to read a housing unit, recognize changes in behavior, communicate during tense situations, and identify trouble before an incident becomes an emergency. When those officers leave, New York loses knowledge and experience along with workforce.

Respect must also be reflected in working conditions. If officers are repeatedly mandated to work overtime, assigned to short-staffed posts, face increasing workplace dangers,, or believe policymakers who have never worked inside a correctional facility dismiss their concerns, Albany should not be surprised when experienced employees leave, and potential recruits look elsewhere for careers.

Although aggressive recruitment, competitive pay, good training, and specific staffing objectives are still needed in New York, these measures must form part of a broader dedication to reviving the correction profession. The state should also establish a realistic timetable for reducing and ultimately stopping its dependence on the National Guard, since an emergency military deployment should never gradually turn into a permanent replacement for trained correction officers.

With 33 years’ experience in the correctional service, I know that the uniform, the badge, and the title come with responsibilities which most people will never witness. If New York wants to revamp its correctional workforce, it should do more than just recruit individuals to fill the vacancies; it must establish a profession which people consider to be respected, supported, and worthwhile for those who stay in it.

BW News Brief: Mount Vernon Arts & Cultural Society Launches “The Art of Voting Challenge”

MOUNT VERNON, NY — The Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society, in partnership with the Mount Vernon Public Library, is calling on emerging and experienced artists to use their creativity to explore voting, democracy, representation, and the power of the individual voice through a new community exhibition, “The Art of Voting Challenge.” The organization’s official submission form describes the project as an opportunity for artists to submit work examining the relationship between art, civic participation and democracy.

The exhibition invites artists to consider what voting means to them and their community, including the history and sacrifices connected to voting rights, the meaning of political representation, and the ways art can encourage civic education and public participation.

Artists are encouraged to approach the theme through their own experiences and perspectives, asking questions such as: Why does your vote matter? What does democracy look like through your eyes? What struggles made access to the ballot possible? And what hopes do you have for the future?

The challenge is open to a variety of artistic disciplines, including painting, drawing, photography, sculpture, mixed media and collage, as well as original poetry and spoken-word work centered on voting, democracy, equality, freedom, civic participation and the power of the people.

The Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society has long described art as a vehicle for raising awareness, breaking down barriers and creating positive social and community change. The organization has previously presented exhibitions and cultural programming at the Mount Vernon Public Library and throughout the city.

According to the official artist submission form, participating visual artists may submit up to five works, with one potentially selected for the exhibition. Selected artists are scheduled to be notified by October 6, 2026, with artwork drop-off taking place October 7 through October 15. Selected artwork is scheduled to be publicly displayed at the Mount Vernon Public Library from October 16 through November 13, 2026.

The organizers’ message behind the project is simple: your voice matters, your creativity matters, and your participation in the democratic process matters.

Artists interested in participating can complete the official submission form here: The Art of Voting Challenge Artist Submission Form. Additional information is available from the Mt. Vernon Arts & Cultural Society at mvac.inc@gmail.com.

“Let your art speak. Let your voice be heard. Let your vote count.”

Fat Joe, Hip-Hop Doesn’t Make You Black—and It Doesn’t Give You a Pass on the N-Word

I would like to start off with a point that ought not to be contentious: Fat Joe is part of hip-hop. He actually comes from the Bronx, his career proves this for itself, and his contributions to the culture can no reasonable way be dismissed. The aim here is not to exclude Fat Joe from hip-hop history, nor is it to minimize the contributions of Puerto Ricans, Latinos, Jamaicans, or other Caribbean groups that helped to shape hip-hop in New York City.

My objection arises when getting involved in hip-hop is turned into a way of asserting Black identity and providing a reason for using the N-word. Recently, Fat Joe has defended his association with hip-hop by talking about his upbringing in the Bronx, his relationships with some of the early hip-hop personalities, and the fact that his late brother used to carry the record crates for Grandmaster Flash. He then stated, “I am Black,” and called himself the “blackest” person you’ve ever seen when it comes to the N-word. That is where I differ from Fat Joe.

Fat Joe has no need to become Black in order to show that he is hip-hop, since his career already proves his position within the culture. However, hip-hop credentials do not change one’s genealogy, and simply being accepted by Black people does not convey the Black American historical experience to someone else.

Cultural Acceptance Is Not Ancestral Inheritance

The distinction between taking part in a culture and inheriting a people’s history exists. Even if I spent the rest of my life being immersed in Italian culture—learning the language, living in an area that is Italian, studying Italian history and being accepted by Italian families—I should still have no Italian ancestors. The fact that this boundary is recognized does not mean that Italians are rejecting me; it only means that ancestry has a significance which goes beyond cultural closeness.

Black identity should not be handled any differently. One can love Black culture, support Black people, create music based on Black traditions and still become a significant figure in hip-hop without having to be a descendant of Black Americans whose historical experience has included American slavery, Reconstruction, Jim Crow and segregation. Black Americans are able to embrace someone culturally without giving up the difference between that person’s ancestry and our own.

If Rachel Dolezal wasn’t able to become Black, then why can Fat Joe?

That is when I consider Rachel Dolezal. In 2015 the United States held a national discussion regarding Dolezal, a white woman who had been born to white parents and who had become thoroughly involved in Black culture and in the struggle for civil rights. She attended Howard University, taught courses in Africana studies and later became president of the NAACP chapter in Spokane, Washington. When doubts about her ancestry were made public, Dolezal still maintained that she saw herself as Black.

America mostly rejected that argument, and many Black Americans were particularly offended by it. The main reason for the objection could be understood: simply loving Black people, studying Black history, working for a Black civil rights organisation and getting involved in Black culture does not alter one’s ancestry.

We ought to apply the principle consistently. Of course, I’m not claiming that the cases of Fat Joe and Rachel Dolezal are the same; they aren’t. Fat Joe genuinely has a long-standing association with the Bronx and hip-hop, and his Puerto Rican and Cuban background is part of a distinct racial and cultural history from that of Dolezal’s white European ancestors. Still, the comparison raises a significant question about self-identification: if cultural immersion alone is not sufficient to make Rachel Dolezal Black, why should cultural immersion in hip-hop automatically make Fat Joe Black?

Dolezal could support Black people without having to become Black; she could take part in the NAACP without having to become Black, since the NAACP itself pointed out at the time of the controversy that one did not need to be Black in order to hold a leadership position. The same ought to be true in this case. Fat Joe can be part of the family in hip-hop without having to rewrite his ancestry.

We Were Rhyming Before Hip-Hop Had a Name

We also have to address the way this history is at times presented. It is sometimes suggested that Black rhythmic verbal expression suddenly appeared when DJs began using two turntables in the Bronx. Although the Bronx merits its status as the birthplace of hip-hop as a distinct culture, many of the elements that later contributed to the development of rap had already been present in Black America for many generations.

By stating that Black Americans were “rapping” before the emergence of hip-hop, I am referring to lineage and not asserting that earlier Black performers were hip-hop artists. In the 1940s The Jubalaires employed rapid rhythmic rhyming and a certain vocal cadence in their recordings. During the 1960s Muhammad Ali was rhyming, making boastful statements, predicting the number of rounds, and engaging in verbal battles with his opponents. The song “Here Comes the Judge”, recorded in 1968 by Dewey “Pigmeat” Markham, included rhythmic spoken words and rhyme set against a funky musical background.

In the same year The Last Poets appeared in Harlem, they put together politically charged spoken word, percussion, Black consciousness and street language. By the early 1970s Gil Scott-Heron was combining spoken word, music and sharp commentary on Black America, while Clarence Reid, who was better known as Blowfly, was likewise developing his underground alter ego and trying out explicit parody and rhythmic verbal expression before rap became a major commercial industry.

The hip-hop tradition didn’t start with those performers. If you go back further into the Black church and listen to the way preachers speak—with their rhythm, repetition, improvisation, and use of call-and-response—then look at the practice of verbal competition among Black people through the use of insults, punchlines, and improvisation, and trace the line of influence through the blues, gospel, jazz, Black radio, spoken-word poetry, soul, and funk, the conclusion to draw is not that all of these things were hip-hop, but rather that the components needed for hip-hop were already present.

The Bronx Created Something New

The fact that those foundations existed does not lessen what took place in the Bronx. The DJs lengthened the breakbeats, the MCs became more skilled at rhyming, and turntablism, breaking, graffiti, and the culture of block parties all contributed to the creation of something truly new. Puerto Ricans and other Latinos took part in the early days of hip-hop, and Caribbean influences and the Jamaican sound-system traditions played important roles in the story.

Multicultural history ought to be celebrated not turned into a competition. The fact that Black American traditions form a foundation does not mean that the contributions of Puerto Ricans or people from the Caribbean have to be erased, any more than acknowledgement of the latter’s contributions implies that the Black American traditions which came before hip-hop should be downplayed. We should be able to present the full history.

Which leads me back to Fat Joe’s account of his late brother carrying record crates for Grandmaster Flash. Fat Joe has been telling that story publicly for many years, saying that his brother Angel was Grandmaster Flash’s “crate boy”. I respect that association, but the fact of carrying records for a pioneering DJ links one to hip-hop history; it does not mean one owns Black American history.

Even before Fat Joe’s brother picked up the crates, generations of Black Americans had already developed traditions centred on rhythm, rhyme, storytelling and verbal contests. Therefore, when I say that we were rhyming before your brother picked up the crate, I am not asserting that hip-hop existed before hip-hop. What I am saying is that the Black American cultural background which contributed to the development of rap existed before the turntables began to spin.

Hip-Hop Didn’t Create the N-Word

My disagreement with Fat Joe becomes a great deal more serious here. The N-word was not invented by hip-hop, rappers or the Bronx; it predated Grandmaster Flash, Kool Herc or Fat Joe, and the historical connection between the word and Black Americans had already been settled long before hip-hop became a global phenomenon.

Since I am a Black man and a descendant of those who were enslaved in America, I don’t encounter the term just in the context of a rap song. Rather, I have come to understand it from a history in which it was employed to degrade and dehumanize people who looked like me; it survived slavery and emancipation and has since been part of the racial terror experienced by Black Americans, the Jim Crow era, segregation, and generations of discrimination.

Which is why I oppose the notion that taking part in hip-hop gives someone a lifetime licence to use the word. Hip-hop arose centuries after that historical relationship had already existed. Since hip-hop did not create that history, it has no authority to erase it or to grant permanent permission on behalf of generations of Black Americans.

Maybe Black America Should Stop Issuing Passes

It’s not fair to place all of this on Fat Joe; Black Americans should also be willing to look at themselves. I do appreciate the point about reclaiming the term, and I do see how the word is used in everyday conversation in certain sections of Black culture. However, since I am 58 years old, it is somewhere in our lives as mature adults that we ought to consider whether every word that we used when we were 18 still has a place in our vocabulary at 40, 50 or 60.

Our ancestors weren’t seeking the right to be called the N-word; rather they were opposing a society which used such words as part of a broader system intended to lower their humanity. Maybe the more important question isn’t whether Fat Joe’s N-word pass should be taken away; perhaps Black America should consider why we are still giving out passes at all.

Fat Joe has achieved a great deal and therefore has no need of the N-word to prove his position in hip-hop. Black America also has a rich enough language and history to believe that giving up the word would in any way diminish us.

You Don’t Have to Be Black to Be Hip-Hop

This has nothing to do with canceling Fat Joe; he should be proud of his Puerto Rican and Cuban background, the way he was raised in the Bronx, his association with the Terror Squad, his records, and all the other things he has added to hip-hop. Indeed, one of the reasons hip-hop is so great is that it transcends racial and national boundaries. People all over the world can take part in the culture authentically without changing their ancestry.

There is no need for anyone to erase Fat Joe’s heritage in order to acknowledge his contributions, any more than Black Americans should have to erase their own history in order to have it recognised. Rachel Dolezal never became Black just because she had immersed herself in Black culture and had been devoted to Black causes; in just the same way, one should not automatically acquire Black identity simply because one has become immersed in hip-hop. Although the situations are different, the fundamental question stays the same: does being close to a culture give a person the right to claim the ancestry and historical identity of the people who created it? My answer is no.

One doesn’t have to be Black in order to be hip-hop, though being hip-hop doesn’t make someone Black either, and it doesn’t grant him—or anyone else—a lifetime immunity to use the N-word. I respect the contribution that Fat Joe and his family have made to the culture, but acceptance within the culture is not the same as inheriting it from ancestors. We had already started rhyming long before his brother ever picked up the crate.

Mount Vernon Man Sentenced to 6 Years for Firearms Sales, Storage Unit Burglaries

A Mount Vernon man who admitted to burglarizing storage units in New Rochelle and later selling stolen firearms to an undercover state trooper has been sentenced to six years in state prison.

Zaid Lewis, 33, was sentenced Thursday, September 3, 2026, by Westchester County Court Judge George Fufidio. Lewis pleaded guilty July 23 to Criminal Sale of a Firearm in the First Degree, Criminal Sale of a Firearm in the Third Degree, and two counts of Burglary in the Third Degree. He was also sentenced to five years of post-release supervision.

According to prosecutors, Lewis was involved in a series of burglaries at an Extra Space Storage facility on Huguenot Street in New Rochelle between September and November 2025. Among the property reported stolen were clothing, shoes, jewelry, ammunition, holsters and three firearms.

On September 18, 2025, prosecutors said Lewis met an undercover New York State Police trooper on Union Street in Mount Vernon and sold him several firearms and related items for $3,750.

The weapons included a .38-caliber Ruger revolver, a Glock 19 9mm pistol and a SIG Sauer P226 9mm pistol, along with two blank-firing pistols, ammunition, a speed loader and two holsters.

At the time of the undercover sale, however, investigators had not yet determined that the three firearms had been stolen.

Six Weeks Later, the Connection Was Made

The connection between the firearms and the New Rochelle burglaries emerged roughly six weeks later.

On September 20, New Rochelle police were notified that approximately $15,000 worth of property had been stolen from a storage unit. Investigators learned that someone had apparently gained access by cutting through a wire grid in the ceiling.

Three days later, the victim returned to the facility and saw two men pushing a cart covered with two distinctive blankets. One of the men was reportedly wearing a wine-colored Sergio Tacchini sweatsuit that had been stolen from the victim’s unit.

The victim followed the men and recorded them leaving the facility in a Chevrolet Suburban. The video was subsequently provided to police.

Investigators later learned that another storage unit—rented by a Mount Vernon firefighter—had also been burglarized.

On September 26, 2025, Lewis was a passenger in the Suburban when police stopped the vehicle. According to prosecutors, a bag inside the vehicle contained a document that had been stolen from the firefighter’s storage unit. Lewis was arrested on a burglary charge and was subsequently released without bail.

Then, in late October, police received a report of another burglary at the facility. A renter discovered that his unit had been ransacked and that a safe containing three firearms had been stolen.

The serial numbers of those firearms matched the three guns Lewis had sold to the undercover trooper six weeks earlier.

Another Gun Sale After His Arrest

Prosecutors said Lewis continued arranging firearm sales even after his September arrest.

On November 13, 2025, Lewis allegedly arranged for Alexander James, 34, to meet an undercover trooper on Washington Street in Mount Vernon. James entered the undercover vehicle and sold the trooper a Ruger SR9 pistol for $850.

James later pleaded guilty to criminal possession of a weapon and is scheduled to be sentenced next week.

DA: Investigation Helped Prevent Further Violence

Westchester County District Attorney Susan Cacace credited the coordinated investigation involving multiple law enforcement agencies.

“Every illegal firearm that remains on our streets poses a serious threat to public safety, and removing these weapons before they can be used to inflict further harm is critical to protecting our residents,” Cacace said.

She added that the investigation demonstrated the importance of cooperation between law enforcement agencies in identifying stolen firearms and those involved in their unlawful sale.

The investigation involved the New Rochelle Police Department, New York State Police, New York City Police Department, Westchester County Department of Public Safety and the Westchester County District Attorney’s Office High Technology Crime Squad.

The case was prosecuted by Assistant District Attorneys Mathieu Reno and Leigh Wellington of the Westchester County District Attorney’s Office Trials Division.

Lewis will serve six years in state prison followed by five years of post-release supervision.

Four Hours in the Smoking Room: Labor Day, the Pullman Porters, and the Fight for Sleep By Derek H. Suite, M.D.

The couch was in the smoking room.

Ben might lie down there after midnight, behind a curtain that did little to separate him from the rest of the room. The wash basins and toilet were nearby. Passengers dropped by to smoke, use the facilities, talk, or sit over a card game that always seemed to last longer than it needed to.

He got up the moment somebody needed something. Anything. That was the arrangement.

He made the beds in the car and carried bags. He shined shoes, answered bells, and did the work that allowed passengers to feel as if the trip was smooth and effortless. By the time they settled in for the night, he had already been moving through the car for hours.

For much of the Pullman era, a sofa behind a thin curtain in the smoking room was where men in Ben’s position slept or tried to. The room remained readily available to passengers.

He was a Pullman porter. It was 1925.

Pullman had become one of the country’s largest employers of Black men. The work had status because it offered a more dependable paycheck than many jobs available to Black families at the time. A porter wore a uniform. He traveled. The money he brought home could help pay rent, put food on the table, or send his child to school.

The job asked plenty in return.

Porters had to do it all. They made up berths, carried luggage, woke passengers at their stops, shined shoes, cleaned toilets, and handled complaints and requests throughout the trip. They paid for their own uniforms, meals, and shoe polish, and could be required to travel to the next run without passengers and without pay. Railroad workers called that deadheading. Pullman kept the better-paid conductor jobs closed to Black workers.

Passengers often called the porter George. It was George Pullman’s name, used to signify that George’s boy was serving them, carried over from an older custom of calling an enslaved person by the name of the person who owned him.

The porters had a phrase for the work: miles of smiles.

A smile mattered when tips mattered. A man who had been up most of the night still needed to be warm with a passenger in the morning, even one who had not bothered to call him by his name. He could be exhausted, frustrated, or angry. But could never let it show.

Some porters worked as much as 400 hours a month, or traveled 11,000 miles, to receive full pay. Four hundred hours over 30 days comes to more than thirteen hours a day, before accounting for the travel itself and the parts of the job that did not show up on any clock.

In 1925, The Messenger, a magazine A. Philip Randolph edited, printed demands from porters seeking an independent union. The men wanted a living wage, pay for preparation time and delays, a 240-hour basic month, and relief from the tipping system. Historical accounts of the campaign also describe a request for four to six hours of sleep at night.

The job was difficult to leave because it was still one of the best jobs many Black men could get. It was equally difficult to organize against a company that had become so central to Black employment.

The railroad did more than carry passengers. Pullman porters helped distribute the Chicago Defender across the South, moving bundles of the paper into communities where the local press did not report Black life with the same range or honesty. People could read about jobs, housing, schools, and the possibility of a life somewhere else.

On August 25, 1925, the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters was organized in Harlem. Randolph was not a porter. Pullman could fire a worker who became too visible in union activity. It could not fire him.

The company resisted the Brotherhood for years. Pullman’s Employee Representation Plan gave the appearance of worker representation without the independence the porters sought. Workers who openly supported the union could lose their jobs. The Brotherhood struggled through the Depression and faced reluctance from the American Federation of Labor before finally winning recognition in 1935. Its first contract with Pullman followed in 1937.

Accounts of the agreement describe higher wages, a work month reduced to roughly 240 hours, protection against arbitrary dismissal, and limits on some of the abuses carried out by service inspectors.

Twelve years had gone by.

Years ago, I worked with someone in music who spent long stretches traveling between cities. He had trouble falling asleep after arriving somewhere new. He had tried melatonin, several things from the pharmacy, and advice from friends who all seemed to have their own idea about how sleep worked.

By the time we met, he was tired enough that other people noticed the irritability before he did.

He had paid attention to much of what we discussed: wake time, meals, light, and the challenge of trying to get his body onto local time when every flight kept moving the clock around. The naps were the part he did not think much about. He would sit down in a hotel room or the back of a car and wake up an hour later. Sometimes longer. He called them cat naps.

We used a timer.

It did not stop the travel or make unfamiliar rooms feel familiar. It helped him notice the nap before it took over the afternoon. His sleep began to improve. The anxiety eased some, and he was less likely to arrive angry at everyone around him.

I also worked with a man whose father lived in another state with home caregivers. His father had difficult nights. Sometimes the caregivers called because he had become upset or confused. Other times, they asked the son to speak with him directly.

He kept the phone beside the bed.

We put it on vibrate. The ringing stopped, but he still slept as if he were waiting for it. When we tried putting the phone in another room, he lay awake worrying about the call he might miss and what could happen if he did.

For a while, he was averaging around three hours of sleep.

We worked on the things that were available to him: a regular morning wake time, early light, leaving the bed when he had been awake too long, and breathing exercises after a call or on the nights when there was no call but he had been lying there expecting one.

The caregivers needed a plan too.

What could they try before calling him? What required another level of support? What required him? He loved his father and had been carrying responsibility for a long time. It took time for him to believe that being his father’s son did not mean being the first person awake whenever something changed.

His sleep gradually moved closer to five hours. Sometimes six. His father’s condition had not changed. The distance between them remained. At night, he still found himself waiting for the vibration even when it did not come.

A Pullman porter had no caregiver plan. The passenger could ring. The door to the smoking room could open. His time to sleep was whatever remained after everyone else had been served.

Labor Day comes around with its familiar last day of summer cookouts, sales, and celebrations.

But the Pullman porters were up against things that looked a lot different inside a train car.

A passenger calling a grown man George and a sofa behind a curtain in the smoking room.

The door opened.

He got up.

Source Note: Ben is a composite, drawn from the oral histories of many porters rather than from any one man. The clinical examples are also composites; identifying details have been changed. Historical information about the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, including its founding in 1925, A. Philip Randolph’s leadership, Pullman’s opposition, union recognition in 1935, and the first agreement in 1937, draws on the Library of Congress’s history of the union. The smoking-room arrangement, the sofa behind a thin curtain, passenger access to the room, and related accounts of porters’ working lives draw on Larry Tye’s oral-history-based reporting and his book Rising from the Rails: Pullman Porters and the Making of the Black Middle Class. Historical accounts describe work schedules reaching roughly 400 hours or 11,000 miles monthly, the Brotherhood’s 240-hour demand, and a 1937 agreement that reduced working hours and raised wages; accounts vary on the precise post-contract monthly-hour calculation. Accounts also report four to six hours of sleep or rest among the union’s 1925 campaign demands, though the sources used here do not establish that the 1937 agreement included a separate sleep guarantee; historical accounts of the Chicago Defender distribution network and the practice of calling porters “George” inform those passages.


Derek H. Suite, MD, MS, is a board-certified psychiatrist, a graduate of the Columbia University Graduate School of Journalism, and the founder of Full Circle Health, PLLC.

Dr. Suite hosts the SuiteSpot podcast and contributes monthly to Black Westchester Magazine. He writes here in his personal capacity.

John Stewart’s Green Lantern Black History Is Pissing Some White People Off

Episode 3 of HBO’s Lanterns has sparked discussion, and from some of the online responses it seems that John Stewart’s Green Lantern isn’t only dealing with villains but is also facing something much more common—that discomfort which arises each time Black history is brought into a setting that some people think should stay racially neutral. The issue with that reaction is simply that John Stewart is Black, has been Black all along, and his Black identity didn’t suddenly appear because someone at Hollywood decided that Green Lantern needed a DEI makeover.

The story I observed in Episode 3 was not about Black victimhood; it was about Black strength, preparation, and resilience. I saw parents making an effort—on at least some occasions using methods which were intentionally uncomfortable to watch—to prepare their Black son for a world that they knew would not always treat him fairly. It is a reasonable debate whether or not viewers agree with all that those parents did, but to reduce the whole story to one of racial trauma overlooks what I think the episode was trying to say about discipline, survival, and overcoming fear.

John Stewart Was Never Just a Black Face in a Green Suit

John Stewart made his first appearance in Green Lantern #87 in 1971, a comic book produced by Dennis O’Neil and Neal Adams. At the time he was introduced, America was still grappling with the effects of the Civil Rights Movement, the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr., the growth of the Black Power movement, urban disorder, and large-scale national discussions concerning race, policing, poverty, and political power. The social atmosphere in which John Stewart was created was not merely incidental background; it had an impact from the outset on the kind of character John Stewart became.

John wasn’t just presented as a Black version of Hal Jordan with darker skin; he questioned authority, challenged police actions, and wasn’t afraid to challenge Hal Jordan as well. The experiences he had in America had a major impact on his worldview. Since more than 50 years have passed, it comes as no surprise that a television adaptation would examine how being a Black American man influenced the wearer of the Green Lantern ring.

Episode 3 Was About Strength, Not Victimhood

In episode three of Lanterns, entitled “OutKast”, the program goes straight into John Stewart’s background by examining his family, his childhood, his fears, his race, his military experience, and the various events that shaped the man who eventually donned the Green Lantern ring. What struck me about the way people reacted was that they so quickly understood those experiences in terms of trauma and victimhood, whereas I had almost exactly the opposite interpretation.

I witnessed a Black family who were trying to prepare a Black boy to grow up as a strong Black man. Their parents knew something that generations of Black parents in America have known, namely that the world outside one’s front door won’t always extend the benefit of the doubt to your child, and therefore preparing that child for reality does not mean that you are teaching him to become a victim; on the contrary, parents sometimes teach their children about the harsh realities because they don’t want those realities to defeat them.

The difference between telling a child that the world is against him, and therefore he is powerless, and telling him that the world may present challenges, and so he must become strong enough to meet them, is tremendous. One way of looking at things can lead to a sense of helplessness while the other promotes resilience, awareness, and discipline. This distinction is being overlooked in much of the discussion about Episode 3.

Black Parents Have Always Prepared Their Children for the World

It is precisely in this area that cultural experience becomes important; black parents having difficult talks with their children about the world is not an idea that has been come up with by DEI consultants or by modern Hollywood writers. For many generations black families have taught their children that they might have to work harder, should keep their emotions under control in certain situations, need to understand how authority functions, and must be ready for circumstances that lie beyond their parents’ control.

It is possible to discuss whether all the lessons that John Stewart’s parents taught him were healthy, and there is no doubt that some of their methods went too far. Yet, to understand their motivation, we have to go beyond the surface, since their aim was not merely to make John afraid of the world; they wanted to prepare him so that the world couldn’t control him through fear, a point that is especially important when considering Green Lantern.

Fear Is Literally Part of Green Lantern Mythology

The mythology of the Green Lantern has always been based on willpower and the ability to overcome fear. The ring doesn’t just reward physical strength, and being a Green Lantern isn’t simply a matter of being the strongest person in the room. Generally speaking, a Green Lantern needs exceptional willpower and must have the ability to face great fear without letting that fear take control of his actions.

The fact that the writers link John’s early childhood to his attitude towards fear does not mean they are in any way rejecting the Green Lantern mythology; rather, they are trying to show why this man has the qualities that could eventually allow him to hold the ring. The experiences of Hal Jordan should be used to account for Hal Jordan, and the experiences of John Stewart should be used to account for John Stewart.

The mere fact that John’s story involves his experiences as a Black American does not mean that the story becomes one of victimization. On the contrary, the scenario of a man learning to overcome adversity and mastering his fear is very consistent with the basic idea of Green Lantern.

Why should everyone else have a history?

The childhood trauma of Bruce Wayne affects Batman, the working-class background of Peter Parker is important to Spider-Man, and the fact that Superman is an immigrant is significant to his story. The experience of Magneto as a survivor of the Holocaust deeply influences the way he views humanity, and the fact that Steve Rogers grew up in the Great Depression and then became a soldier in World War II is relevant to Captain America. We regard it as reasonable that a character’s personal history contributes to their development, as such history shapes their motivations, fears, strengths, and beliefs.

However, when Black history is used to explain the strength of a Black superhero, some people at once convert that history into grievance politics. It is this aspect of the reaction that I find revealing since admitting to having faced adversity does not necessarily mean that someone is a victim. The fact that Black people have overcome difficulties is not the same as Black people complaining about difficulties, and overcoming adversity is one of the earliest foundations of the superhero story.

Black Strength Is More Than Black Suffering

We often treat Black history in such a way that it can only be understood in terms of oppression. I oppose this way of looking at it since Black American history is full of suffering but also includes remarkable strength, the establishment of institutions, faith, family, entrepreneurship, military service, invention, political organizing, resistance, and survival. One cannot separate these achievements from the difficulties Black Americans faced, but recognizing those difficulties does not in any way diminish the achievements.

Our ancestors would not have survived slavery since they were weak, and Black Americans would not have established churches, businesses, schools, and communities after they were set free because they were helpless. People did not go into police dogs, fire hoses, jail cells, and violence during the Civil Rights Movement because they had a victim mentality; it took courage, faith, discipline, and a willingness to face fear to do so, which is why recognizing what Black Americans have overcome can be an expression of strength instead of victimhood.

That matches the version in John Stewart’s story; the difficulties in his early background aren’t intended to make the audience sympathize with him, but rather to account for the strength and discipline he later achieves.

John Stewart Doesn’t Need to Be Hal Jordan With a Tan

If you decide to tell John Stewart’s story, you should tell John Stewart’s story and not turn him into a Black Hal Jordan, since recognizing cultural differences could offend some members of the audience. John’s experiences must shape his worldview in the same way that Hal Jordan’s do, and he can be acknowledged as Black while, at the same time, his American identity, his military background, his profession, his family relationships, his personality and his personal choices also matter.

The aim must not be to produce a Black character whose entire personality is rooted in racism; rather, the aim should be to create a fully realized Black man whose history has contributed to his strength, since these are completely different storytelling methods. John Stewart is no less universal because of his Black identity than Bruce Wayne is. To put it plainly, the fact that his parents were murdered is important.

Black History Isn’t “Woke”

We are now at a rather odd cultural stage at which merely recognizing Black history can cause something to be called “woke”. Since the term has been used so extensively, it has sometimes made it difficult for people to distinguish between imposed political messages and real history. There is a valid distinction to be made between altering a well-established character to advance current political views and acknowledging the racial and political history associated with a character who became part of American popular culture more than fifty years ago.

John Stewart was around long before corporate DEI departments, Black Lives Matter, social media, and the current endless online culture wars. He took on the role of Green Lantern in 1971, a time when America was engaged in major debates concerning race and political power. If anyone thinks that simply discussing race makes John Stewart a politically charged version of the Green Lantern, then they should look at the character’s origins and consider what America was like when he was created.

Maybe We’re Looking at Black Strength Through the Wrong Lens

What perhaps the most interesting aspect of the way people reacted to Episode 3 is not what the writers showed on screen, but rather what different viewers perceived when watching it; some saw racial trauma and victimhood, while I saw preparation, resilience, and Black parents making an effort to prepare their son for the realities that they themselves had experienced. Most important of all, I observed the development of a man who realized that fear could be present without allowing it to control him, a circumstance that seems well-suited to someone destined to become a Green Lantern.

John Stewart isn’t powerful because of the bad things that happened to him, and his strength doesn’t arise from asking the audience to sympathize with him; rather, it comes from the kind of person he became despite those experiences. It was not the ring that gave him his strength, but the experiences, lessons, discipline, and preparation that occurred before he entered the ring that helped shape a man capable of bearing its great responsibility.

That is the reason why I do not view Episode 3 as another Hollywood tale concerning a Black victim; instead, I see it as a story about a Black boy who was prepared to grow up to be a strong and fearless Black man, and there is a clear distinction between those two ways of interpreting it. By automatically seeing every portrayal of Black struggle as one of victimhood, we run the risk of removing the kind of resilience needed to surmount that struggle.

Black History Is American History

People may or may not realize it, but Black history is part of American history. It can’t be treated as a minor topic that is omitted when it causes someone to feel uncomfortable, and recognizing slavery, racism, and Jim Crow does not automatically mean one is engaging in victimhood. The more significant aspect is what Black Americans achieved despite these difficulties. A people progressed from being enslaved and legally considered property to surviving emancipation, Reconstruction, racial terrorism, segregation, and Jim Crow while at the same time establishing families, churches, businesses, schools, communities, and institutions.

That is why I do not regard John Stewart’s Black history as a flaw in his character; I see it rather as something that contributes to the strength of his character. Consider a Black American superhero whose fictional background is based on the actual history of a people who, time and again, were told that they were inferior, unwanted, and incapable, yet still managed to overcome the systems created to restrict them. That is not an example of victimhood; it is a history of resilience, strength, and determination—qualities exactly those that we would expect in someone selected to hold a Green Lantern ring.

There is no superpower more suited to that history than that of a Green Lantern, since the mythology centers on the strength to overcome fear, and the experience of Black Americans is perhaps the best example of that principle in American stories. Our history is not just a matter of what was done to us; it is also about what was unable to stop us and about the things that generations of Black Americans have built in the face of what was done to them.

John Stewart being Black therefore has no effect on the Green Lantern story or on the character being any less American. The journey he undergoes can stand for a people who came from slavery, overcame racism and Jim Crow, struggled for their citizenship, established institutions, and have still kept moving forward in the face of all the obstacles put in their way. It is not something that writers should have to conceal for a Black superhero to be acceptable to audiences who prefer that his race should be no more than the color of the actor’s skin.

John Stewart doesn’t need his Black history erased to be seen as universally heroic, since his history already includes one of the most imaginable American superhero tales—it’s the story of overcoming fear and adversity and not letting circumstances dictate your destiny. Given all that Black Americans have survived and overcome in this country, it is beautifully appropriate that one of us should eventually be given one of the most powerful rings in the universe and become the Greatest Green Lantern of all.

BW NEWS BRIEF: Mount Vernon Woman Charged After Allegedly Taking Vehicle With 1-Year-Old Child Inside

MOUNT VERNON, NY — The Mount Vernon Police Department arrested Tiauna Crump, 52, of Mount Vernon, following an incident in which she allegedly took a Mazda SUV without authorization while a one-year-old female child was inside the vehicle.

According to court documents, Crump was taken into custody on Tuesday, September 1, after the SUV was reportedly boxed in by a garbage truck and another vehicle near Mount Vernon Police Headquarters. The court documents state that the child’s uncle followed Crump from the area where the vehicle was allegedly taken in the Fleetwood section of Mount Vernon.

The incident reportedly began at approximately 10:45 a.m. near Birch Street and Westchester Avenue, where the child’s mother was dropping off her other daughter with the child’s uncle.

The incident reportedly began at approximately 10:45 a.m. near Birch Street and Westchester Avenue, where the child’s mother was dropping off another daughter with the child’s uncle. According to court records, the mother saw Crump get into the SUV with her one-year-old daughter inside.

The mother reportedly attempted to open one of the vehicle’s doors but was unable to do so before Crump allegedly drove away.

Court records state that the child’s uncle, David Patterson, then gave chase. According to his account to police, he pulled alongside the SUV twice in an attempt to get Crump’s attention and tell her that a young child was inside the vehicle.

The uncle told police that the first attempt occurred on Urban Street. He later pulled alongside the SUV again on Gramatan Avenue. According to court records, the uncle said that during the second encounter, Crump allegedly attempted to strike his vehicle before driving away.

The SUV then reportedly traveled onto West Lincoln Avenue and North Fifth Street, with the uncle continuing to follow.

The pursuit ended near Mount Vernon Police Headquarters, where, according to court records, the SUV was boxed in by a garbage truck and another vehicle. The uncle reportedly pulled Crump from the SUV before police took her into custody.

The child was safely recovered and was not injured.

Crump was charged with:

  • Kidnapping in the Second Degree
  • Grand Larceny in the Third Degree
  • Criminal Possession of Stolen Property in the Third Degree
  • Reckless Endangerment in the Second Degree
  • Endangering the Welfare of a Child

Crump was arraigned in Mount Vernon City Court Wednesday afternoon in connection with the charges. She was held without bail at the county jail and is due back in court on Wednesday, September 9th

The Mount Vernon Police Department said the investigation remains ongoing and that additional information will be released as appropriate.

Anyone with information regarding the incident is asked to contact the MVPD Detective Division at (914) 665-2510. Anonymous tips can also be submitted by texting TIP411 (847411). Begin the message with “MVPD”, followed by the information.

As with all criminal charges, Crump is presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty in a court of law.

Black Westchester will continue to follow this story as additional information becomes available.

ELOC Offers Free Computer and AI Classes for High School Students in Mount Vernon

MOUNT VERNON, NY — Environmental Leaders of Color (ELOC) is once again giving local high school students an opportunity to build the technology skills they will need for college, careers and an increasingly digital economy. This fall, ELOC will offer free Saturday computer classes for high school students at SUNY Westchester Community College’s Mount Vernon location.

Classes will be held Saturdays from 9:00 a.m. to 12 noon, beginning October 3 and continuing through December, with a graduation scheduled for December 12. The program will take place at SUNY Westchester Community College, 17 South 5th Avenue in Mount Vernon.

The program builds on ELOC’s continuing effort to make advanced technology education accessible to young people, particularly students from communities that have historically had fewer opportunities to participate in specialized computer and technology programs.

Preparing Students for the Age of Artificial Intelligence

This year’s program will place an increased emphasis on Artificial Intelligence instruction, giving students practical experience with a technology that is rapidly changing education and the workplace.

Students will learn computer basics, Microsoft Office applications including Word, Excel and PowerPoint, internet research, typing and productivity skills, résumé and career preparation, and the use of AI tools.

The AI component will introduce students to ways artificial intelligence can be used responsibly for homework and research, writing assistance, résumé and career support, digital creativity and other practical applications.

The goal is not simply to teach young people how to use a computer. It is to help them understand how emerging technology can become a tool for education, creativity, problem-solving and future economic opportunity.

ELOC has already demonstrated what young people can accomplish when given access to advanced technology education. Previous students in the organization’s Technology and the Environment program have learned skills including Python coding and developed their own projects. Mount Vernon City School District reported that students graduating from ELOC’s 2024 program used Python to create online games from scratch. 

ELOC’s technology programming has since expanded into areas including data management, cybersecurity, coding, blockchain, artificial intelligence and robotics, according to information about the organization presented by the Westchester County Board of Legislators. 

Building on ELOC’s Success

The upcoming fall classes follow another successful year for ELOC.

In August, Black Westchester covered ELOC’s 2026 Student Summer Program Showcase and Graduation, continuing the organization’s work of exposing young people to environmental education, technology and career opportunities. 

ELOC’s computer program has also shown that students can move beyond simply learning about technology and begin creating with it. At the organization’s 2025 graduation, students presented projects demonstrating practical applications of artificial intelligence while building on previous instruction in areas including Python, R and cybersecurity. 

That type of exposure matters. Young people are entering a world where understanding AI and digital technology will increasingly be part of being competitive in college and the workforce. Programs like ELOC’s can help ensure that students from Mount Vernon and surrounding communities are not merely consumers of the next generation of technology, but are prepared to become its programmers, creators, entrepreneurs and innovators.

Registration Information

The FREE Computer Classes for High School Students will meet Saturdays from 9:00 a.m. to noon on October 3, 10, 17, 24 and 31; November 7, 14 and 21; and December 5, followed by the program graduation on December 12.

Classes will be held at SUNY Westchester Community College, 17 South 5th Avenue, Mount Vernon, NY 10550.

Students and parents interested in registering can use the QR code provided on the ELOC program flyer. For additional information, contact Marvin Church at 914-901-3562 ext. 702 or contactus@eloc.earth.

For families looking for opportunities that can give their children practical skills for the future, this is more than another Saturday program. It is an opportunity for high school students to gain hands-on exposure to the technology that is already reshaping the world around them.

The classes are free. The skills can last a lifetime.

Al Sharpton, AOC Is No Shirley Chisholm: That Comparison Is a Slap in the Face to Black Political Power

There are certain instances in which Black political history should be kept from being rewritten, repackaged, or conveniently borrowed in order to justify someone else’s political agenda. The fact that Rev. Al Sharpton referred to the late Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm when he was introducing Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez at the 2026 March on Washington is one such instance.

On August 28, 2026, The Hill made the comparison with the headline “Sharpton compares Ocasio-Cortez to Chisholm at voting rights march”. The report states that Sharpton told the crowd, “I know people; I was Shirley Chisholm’s youth director”, going on to say that Chisholm “had the same fire and vigor as this beloved sister of mine”, when referring to Ocasio-Cortez.

To be exact, Sharpton didn’t say that AOC was “the next Shirley Chisholm”. However, since he is a well-known black civil rights leader who had personal dealings with Chisholm and refers to her by name, her history and political spirit when he introduces another politician at a March on Washington, the symbolism is significant.

The comparison that I oppose is one which, in my view, reduces the special character of Black political history by putting the AOC side by side with Chisholm. It is a demeaning thing to do to Black women who in fact had to break down political barriers when both their race and sex were being used against them.

SHIRLEY CHISHOLM WASN’T SIMPLY A POLITICIAN WITH “FIRE AND VIGOR”

The reason why Shirley Chisholm was historically significant was not because she delivered passionate speeches. Upon her election to Congress in 1968, she became the first Black woman to be elected to the United States Congress; at that time the Civil Rights Act had only just been passed, the Voting Rights Act had been passed four years earlier, and Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. had been assassinated that same year.

Entering a political system in which a Black woman attaining congressional power was in itself a revolutionary step, Chisholm then in 1972 became the first Black candidate to seek the presidential nomination of a major American political party and the first woman to attempt to secure the Democratic presidential nomination. She faced racism, sexism, resistance from the political establishment, and opposition from those who might have been expected to support her.

The slogan ‘Unbought and Unbossed’ meant more than just being a brand.

That is the kind of history that Sharpton referred to when he introduced AOC. Hence the issue is not whether AOC has ‘fire and vigor’; the issue is why it was necessary at all to introduce her using the name and symbolism of Shirley Chisholm.

WHAT HAS AOC DONE FOR BLACK POLITICAL POWER?

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez has been a member of Congress since January 2019. She is not any longer a political newcomer, has built up a very large national following and has become one of the most well-known politicians in America’s progressive movement. Those are her legitimate achievements, but they are AOC’s achievements.

Given that Black Americans are gathering around the legacy of the March on Washington, it is entirely reasonable for them to ask Sharpton: What specific actions has Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez taken to promote Black political power that justify referencing Shirley Chisholm’s legacy?

Demonstrate to us the legislation, the initiatives, the congressional priorities, and the political campaigns which specifically deal with the historical disadvantages experienced by Black Americans. Demonstrate the record regarding the strengthening of Black institutions, the expansion of Black political representation, the protection of Black homeownership, the improvement of access to capital, or other actions taken to advance Black political and economic power.

There’s also reason to look behind those numbers in AOC’s district itself. Although census data suggests the district’s median household income hovers around $67,500, a closer look reveals a substantial disparity between white and Black families. White household incomes come in at about $87,035, while black households trail at about $54,846; a difference of over $32,000 per year. Black households make up approximately 16 percent of households in Ocasio-Cortez’s district. To be clear, one elected official can’t be held solely responsible for all these figures, but they’re certainly relevant when considering a symbolic comparison between AOC and Shirley Chisholm after her tenure. It feels strange to start invoking Shirley Chisholm when black families living in the district that Ocasio-Cortez claims to represent are making over $32,000 less than their white counterparts.

Let’s make comparisons to history, sure, but first show progress on what can be measured about the black Americans you already have representation over.

Show us the receipts.

THIS ISN’T THE FIRST TIME I’VE QUESTIONED SHARPTON’S PLATFORM

My worries extend past the AOC. Sharpton had also publicly supported Zohran Mamdani and marched with him in Lower Manhattan. Once more, the issue I have is not whether Sharpton has the right to form coalitions with Mamdani, the AOC, or anyone else. Of course he does. What I am asking is what Black America gains from such relationships, and why Black civil-rights history is continually used as the basis for lifting up politicians who represent wider progressive coalitions.

The importance of that question to me increased after Mamdani had won; in his victory speech he stated that “New York will remain a city of immigrants: a city built by immigrants, powered by immigrants, and now, as of tonight, led by an immigrant.”

Undoubtedly, generations of immigrants have made enormous contributions to New York City, and their history should be acknowledged. But that is not my history. My grandparents were not immigrants; I am descended from people who were enslaved in America. My ancestors did not come to this country as immigrants; instead, they were introduced into an American system of slavery which took away their freedom and control over their own labour.

It is important to consider that when politicians tell the story of who founded New York and America, where do Black Americans fit in that account? Where is the place of the enslaved Africans whose labour contributed to the building of colonial New York? And where are the generations of Black Americans whose labour, military service, sacrifices, activism, and political struggle have been responsible for shaping this city and nation?

The African Burial Ground, located just a short distance from Wall Street in Lower Manhattan, holds the remains of both free and enslaved Africans who lived in colonial New York. The fact that their graves are there serves as a tangible indication that Black history in this city extends back over many centuries.

When Mamdani describes New York as a “city built by immigrants”, I perceive a history which does not fully apply to my own experience. I am not asking people to undervalue the immigrant story; rather, I am insisting that the history of the descendants of those who were enslaved in America should not be erased in order to tell the immigrant story. It is possible to respect the role of immigrants without viewing Black Americans as just another immigrant group.

Which is why I keep coming back to Sharpton’s position. If politicians are to be given access to the symbolism, stages, institutions, and moral authority which have been created by the Black freedom struggle, then there must be an expectation of reciprocity and historical respect.

Instead of merely displaying the people who marched alongside Al Sharpton, show us what benefits they have brought to Black America.

WHAT ABOUT BLACK WOMEN WHO IN FACT CREATED POLITICAL HISTORY?

Shirley Chisholm is not the only Black woman whose political career merits recognition; in New York, Dr. Lenora Fulani made political history in 1988 by becoming the first woman and the first Black person to appear on the general-election ballot in all 50 states.

She achieved this outside the realm of America’s two-party system by establishing an independent political movement at a time when obtaining ballot access across the country was a massive organizational effort. It makes no difference whether or not one agrees with all the positions that Fulani has taken when it comes to recognizing that achievement. History does not demand ideological agreement before admitting that a barrier has been overcome.

Shirley Chisholm opposed the Democratic establishment using the slogan “Unbought and Unbossed”. Lenora Fulani challenged the two-party establishment by means of independent politics. Fannie Lou Hamer stood up to the Democratic Party establishment at a time when Black Missourians were being denied meaningful representation. Barbara Jordan was the first Black woman from the South to be elected to Congress.

They didn’t need someone else’s historical identity to be linked to them; they created their own history.

Rather than always linking Black political pioneers to today’s political figures, our leaders should focus more on teaching the younger generation about the Black women who actually made these breakthroughs.

SHARPTON SHOULD KNOW BETTER

What is so frustrating about Sharpton’s comments is that he knew Chisholm; indeed, when young he had spoken publicly about working with her and about seeing the racism and sexism that she experienced during her presidential campaign.

He therefore knows better than most people the obstacles that Shirley Chisholm had to face. The historical significance of referring to her when introducing AOC at the March on Washington remains, whether or not Sharpton intended to state that the two were exactly equivalent.

Which is why he ought to have been more careful.

The fact that Shirley Chisholm was Black was not incidental to her political career; it was essential to the barriers that she overcame. She was elected at a specific time within a certain Black struggle for freedom, a period when Black political representation was still being争取d.

It is not an argument that Latino politicians cannot advocate on behalf of Black Americans or that Black Americans should not take part in coalitions. We ought to work with people from all different communities when our interests are the same. However, forming a coalition does not mean that history has to be erased.

It is entirely acceptable to celebrate AOC’s Puerto Rican heritage and all the historic political achievements she may eventually secure; in fact, that is exactly the point. AOC has her own history to establish.

STOP LENDING OUT BLACK POLITICAL HISTORY

Black America’s history is now one of the most important sources of political symbolism in the United States. Politicians from all sections of the political spectrum refer to Dr. King. Various movements make use of the language from the Civil Rights Movement. Political leaders call upon figures from Black history such as Rosa Parks, Harriet Tubman, Fannie Lou Hamer, Malcolm X, and others to give current causes a moral basis.

One should take lessons from Black history, but it is one thing to learn from our history and another to apply our historical symbols to current political movements.

Our history should not be treated as a costume and our heroes不应 be used as political props; black political leaders ought to be among the first to protect that distinction.

It is particularly important when politicians gain access to platforms that are linked to the Black freedom movement because, before they borrow our heroes, our symbols, and our stages, we ought to inquire into what those politicians have actually done to advance Black political power.

MALCOLM X WARNED US ABOUT THE FOX

Malcolm X cautions Black America as to the difference between the wolf and the fox, saying that the wolf displays his teeth while the fox smiles before entering the henhouse. His warning concerning the white liberal was not an appeal to trust the conservatives, but rather a warning to Black people not to confuse political friendship with their own Black political interests.

The warning still has relevance. If Black leaders give politicians access to our events, to our civil-rights history, and to the legacy of figures such as Shirley Chisholm, we ought always to consider what Black America is getting in return. Forming a coalition is one matter; handing over our political history and our power is something else.

Is Al Sharpton letting the fox into the Black political henhouse? We shall see.

FOLLOW THE MONEY Part Two: The Rules Are Changing, This Is Your Window to Speak

In Part One of Follow the Money, I asked a simple question: Who has the key? Who knows where the money is, which banker to call, when the opportunity opens, who gets the email first, and who keeps finding out after the deadline like, “Oh, you didn’t hear about that?” No, we did not hear about that, friend, and that’s exactly why we’re having this conversation. While I was following the money locally through Apple Bank and Westchester, Washington was proposing changes to the Community Reinvestment Act rules themselves, and this conversation just got much bigger.

Before the government language makes your eyes glaze over, let’s start with the numbers. Once you understand what they’re attached to, they hit differently. $10 BILLION!!! The proposed threshold for an “intermediate bank” would increase to $10 billion in assets, changing how many banks are classified and regulated under CRA. 15%. For a large bank, more than $10 billion in assets, to receive CRA consideration for certain community-development grants, a recipient’s indirect costs for administering the grant generally could not exceed 15%. This is not a universal 15% cap on nonprofit overhead, but it deserves attention. $1 BILLION  

The proposed small-bank threshold would rise from $412 million to $1 billion, changing which institutions fall into that CRA category. OCTOBER 13, 2026! That’s the deadline for the public to comment on these proposed changes. Before you say, “I’m not a banker, what does this have to do with me?” remember something important: you are the public.

WHAT IN THE WORLD IS CRA?

The Community Reinvestment Act, or CRA, has been around since 1977. At its core, federal regulators evaluate how covered banks help meet the credit needs of their entire communities, including low- and moderate-income neighborhoods, while operating safely and soundly.

Here’s the kitchen-table version: if a bank is doing business in a community, we should be able to understand how that institution is helping meet that community’s credit needs. CRA shouldn’t be a conversation only bankers, attorneys, and regulators understand. Sometimes power isn’t hidden behind a locked door; sometimes it’s hidden behind language people were never taught. If the language makes you believe the conversation isn’t for you, you may remove yourself before anyone ever has to tell you that you can’t participate.

PAY ATTENTION TO THAT 15%

The proposed 15% provision caught my attention because infrastructure costs money. Somebody has to handle payroll, insurance, compliance, reporting, technology, data collection, and all the other things that keep a nonprofit functioning. In a grassroots organization, that “somebody” may be the same executive director who is fundraising, running programs, answering emails, and moving folding tables after the event. You cannot sustainably serve people if the organization serving them cannot sustainably operate.

That doesn’t mean anything called “overhead” deserves a blank check, because accountability matters too. The real question is whether this proposed standard could unintentionally make it easier for larger organizations with established infrastructure to qualify for bank-supported funding than smaller grassroots organizations. That’s exactly the kind of question regulators need to hear from people doing the work. Don’t just be mad at the number; explain the consequence of the number.

THIS IS WHERE YOUR POWER ENTERS THE CHAT

The rule is proposed, not final, and public comments are open until October 13. You don’t need a law degree or banking title to participate, but you do need to make your point clear. Remember four words: EXPERIENCE → EVIDENCE → IMPACT → RECOMMENDATION. Tell regulators what happened, what you can document, why it matters, and what you believe they should do about it.

Instead of writing, “This 15% rule will hurt nonprofits,” explain how it could affect your actual organization. Instead of writing, “Banks never tell us about opportunities,” describe what you tried to find, what information was or wasn’t publicly available, and what greater transparency could look like. You don’t have to speak for everybody; speak accurately about what you know. Your experience becomes more powerful when you connect it to evidence and a specific recommendation.

KEEP THE RECEIPTS AND CHANGE THE QUESTIONS

If you’ve tried to access a bank grant, business loan, technical assistance or community-development opportunity, document what happened. Keep the dates, emails, requirements, contacts and outcomes, and document successful experiences too because good systems leave receipts. Then stop asking banks only, “Do you have money for my organization?” Ask what their CRA community-development priorities are, where opportunities are publicly posted, when applications open, who handles community development, and what assistance exists for organizations or businesses that aren’t funding-ready.

And ask my favorite question: Where can I find all of this if I don’t know you personally? That question helps reveal the difference between a resource existing and a resource actually being accessible. Business owners should ask questions too. Ask what small-business lending products exist, what would make your business bankable, what you need to improve if you don’t qualify today, whether the bank works with CDFIs, and how your company can become a vendor. That is economic literacy. It isn’t simply knowing how to ask for money; it’s understanding the ecosystem where money moves and knowing how to participate in it.

YES, I’M STILL FOLLOWING THE MARKETING MONEY

Bank advertising and marketing are not automatically CRA-qualified activities, so let’s keep the categories honest. But when we examine the broader economic relationship between financial institutions and communities, I’m still asking who gets paid.

Banks want our deposits, mortgages, businesses and attention, so who receives their advertising contracts, sponsorships, vendor opportunities and professional-service dollars? And yes, I’m going to keep asking how much reaches Black-owned and Latino-owned media and businesses, because that is an economic-circulation question, even when it isn’t a CRA question.

WESTCHESTER OPENED THE DOOR. AMERICA IS THE ROOM.

This investigation started with Apple Bank and Westchester, but CRA is federal. What happens in Detroit, Atlanta, Baltimore, Chicago, rural America or anywhere else may look completely different, and that is precisely why public participation matters.

Federal regulations may be written in Washington, but they land inside real businesses, nonprofits and neighborhoods. Public comment gives people living with those consequences an opportunity to put their experiences into the official record.

AACCHV CRA COMMENT LAB

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Now we’re taking this article into action. On Thursday, September 10, 2026, at 6:30 PM on Zoom, the African American Chamber of Commerce Hudson Valley (AACCHV) will host the CRA Comment Lab: How and Why to Write a Meaningful Public Comment.

This isn’t another panel where experts talk at the community, and everybody leaves with a folder. It’s a lab, which means we’re working, translating the proposal into plain language and helping participants move from Experience → Evidence → Impact → Recommendation.

The goal isn’t to tell you what position to take. It’s to make sure you understand enough to speak for yourself and know how to put your experience into the federal record.

Business owners, nonprofit leaders, residents, community organizations, advocates, bankers and community-development professionals are welcome. To learn more, email Info@aacchudsonvalley.org or call 845-570-2367.

AND ABOUT THAT KEY…

In Part One, I asked, Who has the key? Let me be clear: I don’t want the key, and I don’t want AACCHV, another Chamber, nonprofit, elected official or community leader controlling it either. Changing who guards the door doesn’t create access. I want the door labeled, the requirements posted, the application public, the deadline visible, the contact information available, and the rules understandable.

I want the business owner who has never attended the right fundraiser to find the opportunity. I want the nonprofit director who doesn’t have a bank executive’s cellphone number to find it too, because access should not depend on proximity to power.

The key shouldn’t be inherited because we shouldn’t need a secret key in the first place. Economic literacy means understanding the system, while economic agency means knowing what to do with that information once you have it.

OCTOBER 13 ISN’T JUST A DEADLINE

Banks, banking associations, attorneys and policy organizations will put their perspectives into the federal record, as they should. Communities should be there too, explaining what works, what doesn’t, and what regulators may not see from Washington.

Part One started with Apple Bank and a question about where community investment actually goes. Part Two follows the rules governing how some of that money moves, because the numbers are the beginning, the questions are the point, and knowing how to use the information is where the power starts.

So follow the money, follow the access, and follow the rules. When the government opens the door and asks what the public thinks, don’t stand outside wondering whether they meant you; they did, so walk in knowing what you came to say.

Read It for Yourself / Resources

These directly support the CRA explanation, proposed changes, statistics, and October 13 deadline. 

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