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When The New York Times Softens the Story: Why Black Media Must Tell the Truth Even When It Hurts

DAMON K JONES
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When The New York Times Softens the Story: Why Black Media Must Tell the Truth Even When It Hurts

In a healthy democracy, the press is supposed to hold the powerful accountable — not protect them. The goal of a newspaper, whether local or national, is to tell the truth as it is, not as we wish it to be. That means reporting facts, even when they make people uncomfortable.

As a Black newspaper, Black Westchester Magazine has a duty to hold our elected officials to the same standards that we hold white officials. Integrity does not change based on race or party. But because we do that, we get attacked from both sides — called “conservative” by white readers and labeled “coons” or “sellouts” by some in our own community. That’s fine, because our integrity goes farther than our feelings. In the end, outcomes matter more than placating party loyalty. Truth is not partisan; it’s a principle.

That belief has guided Black Westchester from day one. Over the past several weeks, we’ve reported on the federal indictment of New York Attorney General Letitia James — a case centered on the Norfolk, Virginia, home she purchased in 2020 and the terms of the loan she obtained. We’ve sat down with financial whistleblower Sam Antar, defense attorneys, and legal analysts to break down the filings and what they actually mean. What we’ve presented is not rumor or spin — it’s documentation straight from court records.

The Facts the Public Deserves to Know

According to federal filings, in 2020, James bought a Norfolk house for roughly $137,000. Prosecutors allege she obtained favorable loan terms by declaring it a second home — a designation that, under Fannie Mae rules, means the property must be personally occupied and cannot be rented out. Yet testimony and disclosures show that her grand-niece lived in the home rent-free and that James, at one point, described the property as an investment while reporting some rental income.

Those are the contradictions that form the basis of the indictment. They may not make for dramatic headlines, but they’re simple issues of paperwork, intent, and truth on federal documents.

How The New York Times Changed the Frame

The New York Times, in its widely shared feature on the case, didn’t dispute those facts. In fact, it confirmed them — noting the rent-free occupancy, the investment classification, and the rental income. But instead of centering those points, the story opened with the color of the house, the children who lived there, and the emotional imagery of a“modest yellow home.”

By paragraph five, the article had shifted from the legal contradictions to a broader story about Trump’s Justice Department and political retaliation. The focus wasn’t on whether the Attorney General violated mortgage law; it was on how she felt as a target. The tone turned the case from a matter of public accountability into a parable of persecution.

Sympathy Over Substance — and What the Documents Really Show

That framing — sympathy over substance — is how major outlets sanitize stories that would otherwise challenge their own political allies. But the irony is that even as the Times tried to soften the blow, its reporting still supported the underlying federal case. The very evidence it described aligns with the elements of bank fraud: misrepresentation to a lender and inconsistent use of the property.

Yet many readers, especially within our own community, are now pointing to that same Times article as proof that independent Black outlets like ours are “misleading” the public — when the facts we’ve printed are the same ones buried inside their piece.

Financial investigator Sam Antar, who has appeared on our platforms, responded directly to the New York Times ‘ portrayal of the indictment as “weak.” His analysis cuts through the spin with facts drawn directly from the public record:

These four statements cannot all be true. You cannot occupy a property as a second home while reporting zero personal use days to the IRS, while telling insurance it’s owner-occupied, and while classifying it as an investment property to the state. At least three of these sworn statements must be false.

This isn’t about unclear guidelines — this is systematic fraud: telling four different government entities four different stories about the same property, all under penalty of perjury. When prosecutors have four contradictory sworn statements about the same property made to other institutions, it’s not just a weak indictment; it’s a clear indication of documented fraud. This level of deception and manipulation of the system is a serious breach of trust and integrity.

Every one of those documents is publicly available — from Virginia land records to the federal indictment and New York State ethics disclosures. The evidence is in plain sight. What the Times downplays as “political” or “minor” is, in fact, the pattern of contradictions that federal prosecutors look for in every financial fraud case. This pattern involves inconsistencies in the information provided to different government entities, which can indicate an attempt to deceive or manipulate the system.

What We Actually Reported

In our many coverages and YouTube discussions, Black Westchester never denied that this case could be political retaliation — in fact, it very well might be. But that doesn’t excuse the paperwork James signed, the way she filed her taxes, or the questions about her mortgages. The possibility of political motivation doesn’t erase the paper trail.

My mother always said, “When you live in a glass house, you shouldn’t throw stones.” Letitia James threw a lot of stones at Donald Trump. Now Trump is throwing them back, and the cracks in her own house are starting to show. That’s not bias — that’s balance. It’s a reminder that accountability is not a one-way street, and it’s essential for maintaining the integrity of our political and media institutions.

The Real Taboo

Let’s be honest: there is an unspoken rule in Black politics — we can challenge power when it’s white, but not when it’s ours. That double standard is precisely what weakens our collective integrity. But it’s the courage of Black journalists who tell uncomfortable truths that strengthens it. Accountability is not betrayal. It’s love of truth over loyalty to personality. If we silence these truth tellers, we aren’t protecting progress — we’re protecting power.

Why It Matters

This isn’t just about Letitia James. It’s about the pivotal role of independent Black media in shaping the narrative and holding power accountable. When we report facts — especially about our own — we prove that we take justice seriously, no matter who’s in the hot seat. That’s the very essence of equality under the law, and it’s a testament to the power of our voices in the fight for justice and equality.

Truth doesn’t need soft edges.

The Norfolk house isn’t a political weapon — it’s a case study in how media framing can shape perception and how fear of criticism can silence truth tellers.

The Irony of “No Kings”: How Congress’s Dysfunction Hands President Trump More Power

DAMON K JONES
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The Irony of “No Kings”: How Congress’s Dysfunction Hands President Trump More Power

While protesters chant “No Kings” in the streets, Democrats have done the one thing guaranteed to create one—hand the presidency unchecked authority through its own inaction. The government shutdown, now entering its third week, is less about budgets than about power. And the people who warned America about authoritarianism are the ones expanding it.

When Congress refuses to fund the government, it surrenders the one constitutional weapon the Founders gave it—the power of the purse. Under the Antideficiency Act (31 U.S.C. §§ 1341, 1342, 1511-1519), agencies cannot spend a dollar without congressional appropriations, except to protect life and property. Who defines those exceptions? The President and the Office of Management and Budget (OMB). That means the Executive Branch decides which programs live, which die, and which employees remain “essential.” OMB Circular A-11, Section 124, gives every department authority—under presidential supervision—to implement shutdown plans that suspend, consolidate, or redirect operations. In short, the President rules by interpretation.

This shutdown didn’t have to happen. The Senate has failed 11 times to pass a Continuing Resolution (CR). This simple stopgap measure keeps the government funded temporarily while lawmakers negotiate long-term spending bills. What makes this impasse especially absurd is that it involves a clean CR—one without policy riders or partisan giveaways. Historically, Democrats have supported such clean resolutions to protect essential services. But this time they refused, not over spending levels, but because they wanted to attach health-care subsidy extensions tied to the Affordable Care Act.

Under standard legislative procedure, healthcare provisions—such as ACA subsidies, Medicaid funding, or Medicare adjustments—are handled through separate legislation, such as reconciliation bills or specific healthcare acts, rather than as part of a short-term CR. In plain English: you don’t rewrite national healthcare law inside a temporary budget patch. It’s like refusing to pay rent because you want your landlord to rebuild the entire neighborhood first. Even many Democratic budget veterans quietly admit this is not normal. Yet Senate leadership chose to stall a clean funding bill in pursuit of a political trophy. And by doing so, they handed President Trump something far more valuable than a policy win—expanded executive discretion to decide what functions of government survive during the shutdown.

During a shutdown, the Antideficiency Act and OMB guidance merge into a framework of “operational discretion.” The White House and agency heads determine what qualifies as essential. They control who stays on the job, which contracts are frozen, and which services continue. The Impoundment Control Act of 1974, designed to prevent presidents from withholding congressionally approved funds, becomes toothless because no funds are available to release. The result is practical autocracy: the President interprets necessity, and Congress watches from the sidelines.

That’s how every additional day of gridlock gives the Oval Office more precedent to shrink, reorganize, or redirect government—without legislation. And this time, it gives Trump the ability to demonstrate how leaner executive control can function while Washington bickers.

Nearly eighteen percent of the federal workforce is Black. Federal employment has long been a ladder to the middle class for families locked out of private-sector opportunity. When paychecks stop, mortgage payments, car notes, and tuition bills pile up. Black-owned contractors, depending on federal work, lose revenue. Small businesses serving government hubs face empty lobbies. Federal programs that stabilize low-income communities—from Section 8 housing to small-business grants—pause indefinitely. So while Washington’s elites argue over process, working-class Americans—disproportionately Black—bear the cost of a political chess match that was never theirs to play.

Thomas Sowell often wrote that outcomes, not intentions, should be the basis for judging policy. The outcome here is unmistakable: a shutdown that weakens Congress, strengthens President Trump, and punishes ordinary Americans. The longer this continues, the more the balance of power shifts toward the Executive. Congress may one day reopen the government, but it will find that the presidency has already expanded its reach.

You cannot claim to defend democracy while refusing to perform the basic duty of governing. Each day of delay doesn’t just close offices—it redefines power. And when the smoke clears, the President will be stronger, not weaker, because Congress handed him the scepter while pretending to resist the crown.

Understanding the political process isn’t optional—it’s the only safeguard against manipulation. You can’t have a “No Kings” rally while the very officials waving that slogan are surrendering their authority through negligence. When lawmakers refuse to pass a simple Continuing Resolution, they aren’t checking the Executive—they’re empowering it. Every shutdown becomes a civics lesson in reverse, showing that ignorance of how government functions is as dangerous as corruption itself. The Founders designed checks and balances to protect the people from concentrated power, but that system collapses the moment those elected to defend it choose performance over principle.

THE SHUTDOWN SHOWDOWN: HOW WASHINGTON’S GAMES HURT BLACK AMERICA FIRST

DAMON K JONES
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THE SHUTDOWN SHOWDOWN: HOW WASHINGTON’S GAMES HURT BLACK AMERICA FIRST

When Washington stops working, it’s always the working class that pays the price. The federal government has now been shut down for more than three weeks — one of the longest in U.S. history — and as usual, Black America is feeling the pain first and worst. This shutdown is not just a political issue, it’s a crisis that is disproportionately affecting Black federal workers, small Black-owned businesses, and families relying on federal programs.

Federal workers, contractors, small-business owners, and families relying on federal programs are caught in the crossfire of a political power struggle that has nothing to do with them. Over 750,000 federal employees are either furloughed or working without pay. In places like D.C., Baltimore, and Atlanta — regions with some of the largest Black federal workforces in the nation — households are already struggling to keep up with rent, utilities, and food costs that have climbed since the pandemic.

This is not a political abstraction. These are the same people who keep airports running, handle veterans’ claims, deliver mail, inspect food, and manage housing vouchers. Every missed paycheck creates a ripple effect in our communities — and every day Congress refuses to act, those ripples turn into waves.

A CLEAN CR — AND A DIRTY GAME

This shutdown didn’t have to happen. The Senate has failed 11 times to pass what’s called a Continuing Resolution (CR) — a simple stopgap measure that keeps the government funded temporarily while lawmakers negotiate long-term spending bills. This is not the first time such a deadlock has occurred, and each time, it’s the working class, especially Black America, that bears the brunt.

What makes this shutdown especially frustrating is that it is a clean CR — a term used to describe a temporary funding bill that doesn’t include policy riders or partisan wish lists. It’s the kind of temporary funding bill Democrats have historically supported to keep essential services running.

But this time, they refused to vote for it — not because of the funding levels, but because they wanted to attach healthcare subsidy extensions tied to the Affordable Care Act (ACA).

Here’s the truth:

Under standard legislative procedure, healthcare provisions — like ACA subsidies, Medicaid funding, or Medicare adjustments — are handled through separate legislation (for example, reconciliation bills or specific healthcare acts), not as part of a short-term Continuing Resolution.

In plain English, you don’t rewrite healthcare law in a stopgap bill. That’s not how the process works. It’s like refusing to pay your rent because you want your landlord to fix the entire neighborhood first.

Even many longtime Democratic budget experts admit this is not standard practice. Yet Senate leadership decided to hold the government hostage over an issue that could easily be taken up in a regular legislative session.

WHO GETS HURT WHEN THE GOVERNMENT SHUTS DOWN

The consequences fall hardest on the people least responsible for the dysfunction:

  • Black federal workers — roughly 18% of the federal workforce — face delayed paychecks and uncertainty.
  • Small Black-owned businesses that depend on government contracts or grants, many of which are now frozen.
  • Families relying on SNAP, WIC, or Section 8 are facing administrative delays that are slowing down approvals and payments.
  • HBCU research programs and workforce grants that depend on federal funding are being interrupted mid-semester.

Meanwhile, politicians who created this mess still receive their paychecks on time.

This shutdown doesn’t just pause pay; it delays progress on infrastructure, affordable housing, and public health initiatives that many Black communities have been waiting on for years.

FROM PRINCIPLE TO POLITICS

It’s easy to talk about compassion and equity on campaign stages, but leadership is tested in moments like this. If Democrats are willing to let the government close over a healthcare provision that should be debated separately, that’s not principle — that’s politics.

It’s a stark reality that both parties are using the livelihoods of working-class Americans, including those in Black communities, as bargaining chips for their policy wins. This unfairness is a bitter pill to swallow, especially when Black America rarely receives compensation for the collateral damage.

WHAT BLACK AMERICA SHOULD BE ASKING

  1. Why are both parties using our pain as political leverage?
  2. Why do we never hear about a contingency plan to protect essential workers during a shutdown?
  3. Why aren’t more of our elected officials — especially those representing majority-Black districts — holding press conferences demanding accountability and relief for those most affected?

If our leaders truly believed in “equity,” they’d prioritize reopening the government first — then debate healthcare later. That’s what a clean CR is supposed to ensure: continuity, not chaos.

THE BOTTOM LINE

The shutdown is more than a Washington drama — it’s a mirror showing us how fragile our economy is for those living paycheck to paycheck. It’s a reminder that political grandstanding has real consequences for real people.

It’s high time for Black America to demand accountability, clarity, and leadership from our elected officials. We cannot afford to be the collateral damage in America’s partisan wars any longer. It’s time for action, not excuses.

Because when the government shuts down, it’s not the powerful who lose — it’s the people who can least afford another political delay.

Mount Vernon Man Sentenced to 40 Years in Federal Prison for Child Exploitation

DAMON K JONES
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Mount Vernon Man Sentenced to 40 Years in Federal Prison for Child Exploitation

Mount Vernon, NY — A Mount Vernon man has been sentenced to 40 years in federal prison for coercing and exploiting a minor, marking one of the harshest sentences for child exploitation ever handed down in Westchester County.

Tyquan Brown, 44, was sentenced on October 15 by U.S. District Judge Kenneth Karas following his December 2024 guilty plea to coercion and enticement of a minor.

According to the U.S. Attorney’s Office for the Southern District of New York, Brown used social media and online messaging platforms to lure a teenage victim into performing sexual acts, which he then recorded and threatened to share. Prosecutors said Brown’s conduct was both manipulative and calculated — using intimidation and emotional control to exploit the child.

“This case is every parent’s nightmare,” said U.S. Attorney Damian Williams. “The defendant preyed on a young victim’s vulnerability for his own gratification. Today’s sentence ensures that he will never again have the chance to harm another child.”

The case was investigated by the FBI’s Westchester Safe Streets Task Force, with assistance from the Mount Vernon Police Department and the Westchester County District Attorney’s Office, led by District Attorney Susan Cacace.

In a statement following the sentencing, DA Cacace commended federal partners and emphasized the ongoing commitment to protecting children in Westchester County:

“The justice system worked together to bring accountability and protection. Every child deserves to grow up safe, and this outcome sends a strong message to those who would attempt to exploit our most vulnerable.”

Judge Karas also ordered lifetime supervised release and that Brown register as a sex offender upon completion of his sentence.

Community advocates are calling for greater awareness of online grooming and parental involvement in monitoring children’s digital activity. “Predators aren’t hiding in dark alleys anymore — they’re hiding behind screens,” said one Mount Vernon parent interviewed by Black Westchester. “We need stronger education, tougher laws, and more honest conversations in our homes.”

Community Alert:
If you suspect child exploitation or online grooming, contact the National Center for Missing & Exploited Children at 1-800-THE-LOST (1-800-843-5678) or submit confidential tips at CyberTipline.org.

League of Women Voters of Westchester County Hosts County Executive Candidates Forum

AJ Woodson
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League of Women Voters of Westchester County Hosts County Executive Candidates Forum

The League of Women Voters of Westchester County hosted a Westchester County Executive Candidate Forum, Monday, October 20th, between County Executive Ken Jenkins (D) and challenger Christine Sculti (R). The virtual candidate forum was moderated by Patricia Sibilia.

We posted the video below in its entirety for you to watch and hear the candidates address the issues and community concerns.

Local leagues throughout Westchester are hosting candidate forums for contested seats on the Westchester County Board of Legislators and in city, town, and village races. Visit LWVW’s Candidate Forum webpage for information on LWV candidate forums that have been scheduled thus far.

Election day is Tuesday, November 4th. Early voting for the General Election will be Saturday, October 25, 2025 – Sunday, November 2, 2025. Early voting for the General Election is a nine (9) day period where voters can vote in-person before Election Day in Westchester County.

The League of Women Voters® of Westchester (LWVW) is a nonpartisan organization whose purpose is to promote informed and active participation in government. The League neither supports nor opposes candidates or political parties. LWVW is an Inter-League Organization (ILO) and is composed of the local leagues of Larchmont/Mamaroneck, New Castle, New Rochelle, Northeast Westchester, Northwest Westchester, the Rivertowns, Rye/Rye Brook/Port Chester, Scarsdale, and White Plains and their members.

Pardoned Jan 6 Rioter from Dutchess County Arrested For Death Threat Against Rep Hakeen Jeffies

AJ Woodson
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Pardoned Jan 6 Rioter from Dutchess County Arrested For Death Threat Against Rep Hakeen Jeffies

A Dutchess County man who was pardoned by President Donald Trump for his actions at the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6 was arrested Saturday and charged with making a terroristic threat against House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, New York State Police said.

Moynihan allegedly planned to target House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries during a speech to the Economic Club of New York, according to court filings obtained by Black Westchester. In the criminal complaint, investigators quoted text messages allegedly sent from Christopher Moynihan, 34, of Clinton, NY, on October 17th to an unidentified recipient.

“Hakeem Jeffries makes a speech in a few days in NYC I cannot allow this terrorist to live,” the texts read, according to the charging complaint filed in New York state court. “Even if I am hated he must be eliminated. … I will kill him for the future.”

On Tuesday, Democratic Leader Hakeem Jeffries released the following statement:

“I am grateful to state and federal law enforcement for their swift and decisive action to apprehend a dangerous individual who made a credible death threat against me with every intention to carry it out. 

The person arrested, along with thousands of violent felons who stormed the US Capitol during the January 6th attack, was pardoned by Donald Trump on the President’s very first day in office. Since the blanket pardon that occurred earlier this year, many of the criminals released have committed additional crimes throughout the country. Unfortunately, our brave men and women in law enforcement are being forced to spend their time keeping our communities safe from these violent individuals who should never have been pardoned. 

It is the honor of my life to serve in Congress during these challenging times. Threats of violence will not stop us from showing up, standing up and speaking up for the American people.”

In a press conference, Congressman Jeffries said, “When it comes to these extremists out there, you better watch how you talk when you talk about me.” He also says, “I think the reckless and irresponsible pardons of hundreds of violent felons on January 6th has consequences…There are consequences to that, beyond me…there are consequences to irresponsible actions and not a single House Republican has walked away from them.”

Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) on Tuesday denounced the alleged death threat against House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.);

“I don’t know any of the details of this at all. I don’t know who’s been alleged to have been involved in this,” Johnson told reporters in the Capitol. “I will say that anybody — anybody — who threatens political violence against elected officials or anyone else should have the full weight and measure of the Department of Justice on their head.

“I trust that that will happen — I hope it will,” he added. “We are intellectually consistent about that, obviously.”

Moynihan was sentenced to 21 months in prison in 2023 for breaching the Capitol on 6 January 2021 as part of the mob seeking to stop Congress from certifying that Joe Biden had won the 2020 election and to keep Trump in power.

Moynihan was arrested Saturday and charged with making a terroristic threat, a felony, and is scheduled to appear in court on Thursday. He is the first pardoned Capitol rioter to be arrested over alleged political violence.

Peace on Paper, Ethnic Cleansing in Practice

DAMON K JONES
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Peace on Paper, Ethnic Cleansing in Practice

Every few months, the world celebrates a new “ceasefire” in Gaza. Cameras flash, statements are released, and diplomats congratulate themselves for achieving “progress.” But the only thing that seems to progress is the destruction. Within days of the October 10th truce, airstrikes resumed, civilians were killed, and the promise of peace evaporated once again.


The pattern is as predictable as it is tragic. Gaza’s civil authorities report that at least 97 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire began, most of them civilians. Israel calls these attacks “responses,” claiming to target militants who violated the agreement. But the evidence tells another story. Whole neighborhoods are flattened, hospitals destroyed, families buried. If the goal were defense, one would expect precision. Instead, what we see looks more like punishment.


For decades, ceasefires in this region have served less as steps toward peace and more as pauses for reloading. Gaza’s government media office says there have been more than 900 violations since January 2025. Human Rights Watch and the United Nations have issued repeated warnings about forced displacement and the destruction of civilian infrastructure. Yet the world keeps repeating the exact words—“truce,” “peace,” “restraint”—as if language alone can disguise failure.


When you declare peace and then bomb the same territory days later, that is not diplomacy; it is deception. The so-called “yellow line,” meant to separate Israeli troops from civilians, has become a kill zone where those returning to their homes are shot for crossing an invisible boundary. And yet, the blame constantly circles back to the same justification: security.


Security for whom?


You cannot occupy, blockade, and bomb a population for years and then act shocked when the conflict continues. The logic collapses under its own weight. Absolute security cannot be built on permanent subjugation. At some point, survival for one group cannot continue to mean extinction for another.
Observers have described this as a defensive war. But wars of defense do not involve clearing entire neighborhoods, blocking aid, or destroying water systems. They do not render a whole territory unlivable. What we are witnessing is the slow erasure of a people, methodically justified by policy and cloaked in military language. Whether you call it “forced displacement” or “population management,” the result is the same: fewer Palestinians on their land.


Every government has the right to defend its citizens. But defense has limits. There is a moral and legal difference between protecting a border and leveling a city. Between stopping a threat and creating one. Between responding to violence and perpetuating it as state policy. When governments blur these lines, they do not strengthen security—they destroy legitimacy.


And yet, Western powers continue to fund and arm this behavior while preaching peace from podiums. They condemn extremism while enabling extremity. They send envoys to discuss ceasefires while shipping weapons to ensure they don’t hold. The same nations that lecture the world about human rights look the other way when violations serve their allies. That is not leadership; that is moral convenience.
The problem here is not just military; it is moral. If the world cannot tell the difference between defense and domination, between justice and justification, then the words “human rights” are just decoration for press releases.


The rhetoric inside Israel itself reflects a dangerous moral decay. Officials speak of “voluntary migration” and “security clearances” for Palestinians, as if people being driven from their homes are participants in their own removal. When leaders start calling the cleansing of a territory a “reorganization,” the vocabulary of civilization becomes the language of destruction.


Meanwhile, the international community debates definitions. “Is it genocide?” “Is it ethnic cleansing?” “Is it proportional?” These are the questions of bureaucrats, not moral actors. History does not care about our vocabulary. It cares about outcomes. And the outcome here is unmistakable: Gaza is being emptied of its people.


This is not about taking sides in a centuries-old conflict. It is about recognizing reality. The deliberate targeting of civilian life and infrastructure is not an accident of war; it is a strategy. A strategy that has been repeated for generations, always justified, never resolved.


History offers a warning to those who rationalize such actions. Nations that confuse power with righteousness often find both slipping away. Those who excuse injustice in the name of security end up with neither.


The world’s moral paralysis is not due to ignorance but cowardice. To admit what is happening would require action. It is easier to call it “complex” and move on. But moral clarity is not complicated. You do not need to be an expert to see that civilians should not be bombed, that hospitals should not be targeted, that starving people should not be fenced in and called free.


Real peace requires truth, and truth begins with accountability. Until the world is willing to call this what it is—the systematic destruction and displacement of a people—there will be no ceasefire worth celebrating.
The world must stop confusing negotiations with solutions. The real ceasefire will come not when guns go silent for a week, but when justice stops being optional.

Early Voting Information For The November 4th General Election

AJ Woodson
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Early Voting Information For The November 4th General Election

Early voting for the General Election will be Saturday, October 25, 2025 to Sunday, November 2, 2025. Early voting for the General Election is a nine (9) day period where voters can vote in-person before Election Day in Westchester County.

Who can vote early?
For the November 4, 2025, General Election – All registered voters in the County of Westchester can vote early.

When can I vote early?
Early Voting will begin before the General Election. The early voting period will be from Saturday, October 25, 2025, through Sunday, November 2, 2025.

Days and Hours as follows:

  • Saturday, October 25, 2025, from 10 a.m. until 6 p.m.
  • Sunday, October 26, 2025, from 10 a.m. until 6 p.m.
  • Monday, October 27, 2025, from 8 a.m. until 4 p.m.
  • Tuesday, October 28, 2025, from 12 p.m. until 8 p.m.
  • Wednesday, October 29, 2025, from 8 a.m. until 4 p.m.
  • Thursday, October 30, 2025, from 12 p.m. until 8 p.m.
  • Friday, October 31, 2025, from 8 a.m. until 4 p.m.
  • Saturday, November 1, 2025, from 10 a.m. until 6 p.m.
  • Sunday, November 2, 2025, from 10 a.m. until 6 p.m.

Where can I vote early?

You can vote at any of the twenty-five (25) designated Early Voting sites throughout the County. These Early Voting centers are listed below:

Westchester County Early Voting Centers (Subject to Change*)

  • Croton Municipal Building, 1 Van Wyck Street, Croton on Hudson, NY 10520
  • Eastchester Public Library, 11 Oakridge Place, Eastchester, NY 10709
  • Greenburgh Town Hall, 177 Hillside Avenue, White Plains, NY 10607
  • Hastings-on-Hudson Public Library, 7 Maple Avenue, Hastings-on-Hudson, NY 10706
  • St. Gregory The Great Church, 215 Halstead Avenue, Harrison, NY 10528
  • Mamaroneck Town Center, 740 W. Boston Post Road, Mamaroneck, NY 10543
  • Mt. Kisco Public Library, 100 E. Main Street, Mt. Kisco, NY 10549
  • Mt. Pleasant Community Center, 125 Lozza Drive, Valhalla, NY 10595
  • Joseph G. Caputo Community Center, 95 Broadway, Ossining, NY 10562
  • Pound Ridge Town House, 179 Westchester Avenue, Pound Ridge, NY 10576
  • Rye Brook Firehouse, 940 King Street, Rye Brook, NY 10573
  • Somers Town House, 335 Route 202, Somers, NY 10589
  • Jefferson Village Annex, 3500 Hill Boulevard, Yorktown Heights, NY 10598
  • Yorktown Cultural Center, 1974 Commerce Street, Yorktown Heights, NY 10598
  • Doles Center, 250 S. 6th Avenue, Mt. Vernon, NY 10550
  • Mt. Vernon City Hall, 1 Roosevelt Square, Mt. Vernon, NY 10550
  • New Rochelle City Hall Annex – 90 Beaufort Place, New Rochelle, NY 10801
  • New Rochelle United Methodist Church, 1200 North Avenue, New Rochelle, NY 10804
  • Peekskill Lincoln Depot Museum, 10 S. Water Street, Peekskill, NY 10566
  • Peekskill Neighborhood Center, 4 Nelson Avenue, Peekskill, NY 10566
  • Rye City- Resurrection- Early Childhood Education Center, 88 Milton Road, Rye, NY 10580
  • White Plains Public Library, 100 Martine Avenue, White Plains, NY 10601
  • Grinton I. Will Library, 1500 Central Park Avenue, Yonkers, NY 10710
  • Nodine Hill Community Center, 140 Fillmore Street, Yonkers, NY 10701
  • Riverfront Library, One Larkin Center, Yonkers, NY 10701

How will I vote during early voting?
Voting during early voting is the same as voting on Election Day. When you get to the early voting center, you will check in to vote, receive your ballot and vote as any other election.

There will be instructions available at the early voting centers to familiarize you with the ballot. There will also be a notice to voter and bill of rights. You may ask an election inspector to explain how to vote, or if you need any assistance.

If you vote during the early voting period, you are not eligible to vote on Election Day.

When will early voting results be posted?
Early voting results will be canvassed and reported after 9 pm on Tuesday, November 4, 2025 for the General Election.

Can I still vote by an early vote by mail ballot?
Yes. Any registered voter in Westchester County may apply for an early mail ballot.

Can I still vote by absentee ballot?
Yes. If you are out of your home county, or if you live in New York City, are outside of the five boroughs, or if you are permanently or temporarily disabled, ill or are the primary care giver for one or more people who are ill or physically disabled, or a resident of a Veterans Hospital, or detained in jail awaiting Grand Jury action or incarcerated for an offense other than a felony you may apply for an absentee ballot.

You can search for your ballot and polling location either by Free Text Search OR by providing Street Number, Street Name and Zip Code (click on the link).
We make every effort to keep this information as up-to-date as possible. Nevertheless, we recommend that you verify your polling place location in advance. Note that some polling places may be closed or combined with another polling place, especially during primary and local elections.
If you have trouble locating your polling place, contact (914) 995-5700.

All info provided by the The Westchester County Board of Elections, which has relocated to:
445 Hamilton Avenue, 8th Floor, White Plains, NY 10601 All phone numbers and email addresses will remain the same.

Westchester County Passes “Gio’s Law,” Equipping Police Officers With EpiPens for Allergy Emergencies

DAMON K JONES
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Westchester County Passes “Gio’s Law,” Equipping Police Officers With EpiPens for Allergy Emergencies

The Westchester County Board of Legislators has passed a new law that could save lives in moments of crisis. Known as “Gio’s Law,” the measure will require all county police officers to carry EpiPens, ensuring that first responders are equipped to treat severe allergic reactions before emergency medical personnel arrive.

The legislation was inspired by the tragic story of Giovanni “Gio” Cipollone, a local child who died from a severe allergic reaction to nuts in 2019. His family’s years-long advocacy pushed for broader access to life-saving epinephrine injectors and training for law enforcement officers who are often first on the scene.

Under the new law—officially titled the Giovanni Cipriano Act—every police officer in Westchester County will receive annual training in identifying anaphylaxis and properly administering EpiPens. The county will also establish a funding mechanism to cover the cost of devices and training through its public health and emergency services budget.

County Executive Ken Jenkins emphasized the importance of preparedness and compassion:

“By signing this bill into law, Westchester County is taking a major step forward in protecting our residents and giving our officers the tools they need to save lives. This legislation is about preparedness, compassion, and ensuring that no family has to experience a preventable tragedy.”

Board Chair Vedat Gashi echoed those sentiments, noting the bill’s roots in community advocacy:

“When a constituent reached out asking us to help families struggling with potentially life-threatening allergic reactions, I knew Westchester needed to do everything it could. Too many families, including my own, live with the daily fear of a severe allergic reaction, and this law will help ensure that first responders are ready to save lives. I’m proud that the entire Board voted to make this commonsense step a reality.”

Honoring Gio’s Legacy

Named in memory of Giovanni “Gio” Cipriano, a 14-year-old New Yorker who tragically died after unknowingly consuming peanuts in trail mix, the legislation ensures that police officers—often first on scene during 911 calls—can respond immediately to cases of anaphylaxis, a severe and potentially fatal allergic reaction.

Georgina Cornago, founder of The Love for Giovanni Foundation, expressed her deep gratitude:

“To see Gio’s Law come to life here in Westchester County is deeply emotional and inspiring. This law will ensure that officers are trained and ready to act when seconds matter most. My son Giovanni’s legacy continues to save lives, and I’m profoundly grateful to County Executive Ken Jenkins, Legislator Vedat Gashi, and everyone who helped make this happen.”

Chappaqua resident and Horace Greeley High School student Jared Saiontz, who lives with severe food allergies, also praised the new law:

“I am one of the 32 million Americans who live with life-threatening food allergies. The Giovanni Cipriano Act will be lifesaving because it ensures that first responders have the tools—both training and epinephrine—to help save a life during an anaphylactic reaction.”

National Momentum Building

While Gio’s Law is a first for Westchester, it’s part of a growing movement across the country to equip first responders with epinephrine. Several states—including Illinois, Michigan, and Tennessee—have enacted similar laws that authorize or require law enforcement officers to carry EpiPens once they complete certified medical training.

For example, Illinois passed the “Annie LeGere Law,” named after a 13-year-old girl who died of an allergic reaction in 2015. That law allows police and state troopers to administer epinephrine during emergencies. Michigan’s “Law Enforcement and Firefighter Access to Epinephrine Act” and Tennessee’s “Public Safety Epinephrine Access Law” offer comparable protections and training frameworks.

At the federal level, however, there is no national law mandating police departments to carry EpiPens. The U.S. Congress has debated legislation like the EPIPEN Act (H.R. 6965), which focuses on affordability and access to epinephrine, but it does not create a nationwide requirement for law enforcement. Advocates for Gio’s Law hope Westchester’s example will spark national interest in expanding these life-saving measures beyond local jurisdictions.

Insert: New York & National Overview

Counties in New York with EpiPen Legislation:

  • Suffolk County (2023) – First in New York to require police to carry EpiPens.
  • Westchester County (2025) – Passed “Gio’s Law,” formally known as the Giovanni Cipriano Act.

States with Statewide Legislation:

  • Illinois: “Annie LeGere Law” (2021) allows state police to carry/administer epinephrine after certified training.
  • Michigan: “Law Enforcement and Firefighter Access to Epinephrine Act” (2020) permits agencies to purchase and distribute injectors.
  • Tennessee: Tenn. Code §63-1-158 enables police agencies to adopt protocols and training for epinephrine use.

A Model for Compassionate Policing

The law takes effect January 1, 2026, once officers complete their certified training. Police unions have expressed support, recognizing that the measure enhances their ability to protect and serve beyond traditional enforcement duties.

In an era when conversations around policing often focus on accountability and reform, Gio’s Law represents a shift toward community care and public health collaboration. It’s a reminder that sometimes, the most powerful act of protection is not about enforcing the law—but saving a life when every second counts.

Mount Vernon Leaders Face Scrutiny Over Failure to Act on DOJ Report

DAMON K JONES
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Mount Vernon Leaders Face Scrutiny Over Failure to Act on DOJ Report

Nearly a year after the U.S. Department of Justice released a scathing report detailing unconstitutional policing practices and deep financial mismanagement, the City of Mount Vernon has yet to deliver a clear reform plan or measurable progress. The report cited citywide fiscal instability as a major factor undermining the police department’s ability to hire, train, and properly equip officers. Despite the severity of the findings, Mayor Shawyn Patterson-Howard and members of the City Council have offered little public explanation of how they intend to meet the DOJ’s directives or stabilize city finances. While the police department has come under public criticism following the October transport-van shooting, the deeper issue lies with City Hall’s failure to provide leadership, oversight, and a sustainable funding structure. 

Read: U.S. Attorney Announces Findings Of Civil Rights Violations By The Mt Vernon Police Dept

When a prisoner manages to fire a gun inside a police transport van, the first question isn’t how it happened—it’s why it was allowed to happen. In Mount Vernon, that “why” leads straight to a familiar place: a bureaucracy that substitutes explanations for results.

Last week, a 32-year-old Bronx man, Louis Soto, shot another detainee in the leg while both were being transported to the Westchester County Jail. Police Chief Marcel Olifiers acknowledged the obvious: “The firearm should have been detected before the transport.” What followed was less an explanation than an evasion. The Chief implied that new Department of Justice restrictions on strip searches—adopted after the city was cited for civil-rights abuses—might have made it harder to detect contraband. That claim collapses under its own weight.

While accountability is necessary, it’s equally important to acknowledge that Mount Vernon has many dedicated and capable officers who serve with integrity and professionalism. Many of them are young and fairly new to the department, stepping into a system that has long lacked proper structure and guidance. This makes it imperative for the City of Mount Vernon to invest in real leadership—teaching these officers proper policing, constitutional practices, and departmental policies that meet national standards. Without that foundation of consistent training and ethical enforcement, even good officers are placed in bad situations, and the cycle of institutional failure continues.

According to the Department of Justice’s 2024 Findings Report on the Mount Vernon Police Department, federal investigators found that MVPD’s previous policy wasn’t a matter of safety—it was a matter of illegality. On pages 7–8 and 12–13, the report states that until at least October 2022, Mount Vernon officers “strip-searched every person who walked in the building,” often including “visual body-cavity searches” without any individualized suspicion. The DOJ concluded that this practice was “a gross violation of the Fourth Amendment.

The same report clarifies that the DOJ did not prohibit all searches. On page 12, investigators wrote that strip and cavity searches are permissible only when there is reasonable suspicion that the person is concealing a weapon or contraband, and only when supervisors approve and document the search. This is consistent with national best practices and long-standing constitutional law—none of which prevent officers from ensuring safety.

The report further details that MVPD officers routinely detained citizens without probable cause and transported them for questioning or searches, a violation of the Fourth Amendment. MVPD Supervisors, the DOJ noted, “misunderstood that such detention constituted an arrest” and failed to train or correct officers who repeatedly violated the law.

Oversight, the DOJ found, was virtually nonexistent. Pages 2, 13, and 19 describe a department with “deficient supervision, outdated training, and no internal accountability system.” Even when officers committed clear misconduct, supervisors approved their actions or investigated themselves. Internal Affairs was understaffed, untrained, and rarely disciplined officers, even when the evidence was clear.

The report warned that these problems were “deeply ingrained” and would likely “recur” without structural change (pages 2–3). It directed the City of Mount Vernon to replace its unconstitutional blanket searches with modern, lawful security measures—metal detectors, handheld magnetometer wands, and written documentation protocols—to ensure safety while respecting rights.

Yet as of October 2025, those measures were still “optional.” Only after a gun was fired inside a police vehicle did Chief Olifiers announce that wands would become mandatory. This was precisely the kind of leadership failure the DOJ predicted when it concluded that MVPD’s dysfunction was driven by “municipal mismanagement, lack of training, and absence of effective oversight.

What’s most disheartening is that the residents of Mount Vernon saw this coming. For nearly a year, community organizations like Save Mount Vernon have called on Mayor Shawyn Patterson-Howard to release a comprehensive reform plan outlining the changes made since the DOJ’s report. Despite repeated requests, no public plan has been provided—no timeline, no metrics, and no verification of compliance. The silence from City Hall has become its own response, validating the community’s foresight and concerns.

The DOJ never said Mount Vernon couldn’t conduct searches—it said they couldn’t conduct illegal ones. The difference between “prohibited” and “professional” is leadership. By blaming Washington instead of fixing policy, Mount Vernon’s police leadership has confirmed what the DOJ already found: a department unable to manage itself without making excuses.

There are no shortcuts to competence. The DOJ didn’t demand that officers choose between constitutionality and safety; it demanded professionalism. When a department cannot operate within both the law and common sense, it isn’t overregulated—it’s undermanaged. What happened inside that van wasn’t caused by reform—it was caused by failure to implement reform.

The Department of Justice report makes it clear that Mount Vernon’s long history of financial mismanagement directly undermines public safety. On page six, the report notes that the city’s ongoing monetary challenges have crippled the police department’s ability to hire, train, and properly equip officers to carry out their duties constitutionally. This isn’t simply an accounting problem—it’s a matter of public trust and safety. When budgets are mismanaged and bills go unpaid, the results are predictable: fewer resources, outdated equipment, and inadequate supervision for officers tasked with protecting a complex and demanding community. Although the DOJ acknowledged some progress in reducing city debt by late 2023, it warned that serious financial shortfalls continue to leave the department vulnerable to non-payment of essential invoices, including those for officer training and critical safety equipment. It raises a troubling question of priorities: how can Mount Vernon’s schools have metal detectors for students, but the city’s police lockup does not? Until the city’s fiscal house is brought under control, the Mount Vernon Police Department cannot meet national policing standards, maintain professionalism, or achieve meaningful reform

Even though this is an unfortunate and troubling situation, I commend Chief Marcel Olifiers for standing before the public and explaining what happened. Leadership requires accountability, especially in moments of crisis, and the Chief did what others should have done—face the people directly. What’s truly unfortunate and disrespectful is that the Mayor and other elected officials of Mount Vernon were nowhere to be found. Their absence spoke volumes. The night before this incident, many of them were reportedly attending the Black Women’s Political Caucus gala, celebrating while their city was on the brink of another public safety crisis. When leadership is more visible at parties than at press conferences, it tells residents everything they need to know about misplaced priorities in Mount Vernon.

Damon K. Jones is a 33-year veteran of the Westchester County Department of Corrections, where he also served 13 years as a union delegate with the Westchester County Correction Officers Benevolent Association. His extensive background combines operational experience with leadership in labor relations and police reform policy. As the New York State representative for Blacks in Law Enforcement of America (BLEA) and former Northeast Region President of the National Black Police Association, Jones has been a leading voice for accountability, transparency, and justice reform. He contributed to two United Nations shadow reports—in 2014 and 2019—submitted to the UN Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, addressing race, policing, and human rights in America. Jones also served on an advisory panel to the NAACP Legal Defense Fund’s Thurgood Marshall Institute, where he examined police policies, collective bargaining agreements, and transparency in use-of-force cases. In 2020, he was appointed to the Westchester County Police Reform and Reimagining Task Force, helping develop comprehensive recommendations to modernize policing practices and strengthen community trust across the county.

Below are the recommendations of Blacks in Law Enforcement of America (BLEA), a respected national organization of Black law enforcement professionals committed to promoting constitutional policing, accountability, and community trust. Drawing from decades of experience in law enforcement leadership and reform, BLEA offers these recommendations to help the Mount Vernon Police Department correct its systemic deficiencies and rebuild public confidence. These proposals are grounded in best practices, national accreditation standards, and the Department of Justice’s own findings, with the goal of creating a police agency that operates with integrity, transparency, and competence—one that both serves and earns the trust of the people of Mount Vernon.

Recommendations,Reform and Oversight of the MVPD by Damon K Jones

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