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Sleep as Strategy: Why 2026 Belongs to the Well-Rested By Derek H. Suite, M.D.

You made it.

The holidays are behind you. The plates have been put away, the guests have gone home, and the calendar has finally stopped demanding so much. If you’re reading this now, there’s a good chance you’re running on less than you realize. Most of us are. December has a way of borrowing from the body without sending a bill until much later.

So here we are, standing at the beginning of another year, and most of us will make some kind of resolution. We always do. The harder part is making one that sticks.

I want to suggest something different this year and talk about sleep, but not in the way you’ve probably heard it discussed before.

The Education We Never Got

Here’s something that still surprises people when I mention it: sleep medicine wasn’t even recognized as a medical specialty until 1991. Most physicians practicing today received less than two hours of formal sleep education across their entire medical training. That’s two hours for something we spend a third of our lives doing.

This means that for decades, the very people we trusted to guide our health weren’t equipped to talk about sleep in any meaningful way. And if the doctors weren’t taught, the schools certainly weren’t teaching it either. So, the information just never reached us. We inherited a culture that treated sleep as negotiable, as something to sacrifice when life got demanding, and we passed that down without ever questioning it.

The result is a kind of generational blind spot. We talk about watching our blood pressure and managing our sugar and getting more exercise, but sleep rarely makes it into that conversation with the same weight. And yet the research has been quietly piling up for years, showing that sleep is connected to almost everything we’re already worried about, including heart disease, diabetes, weight, memory, mood, and immune function. The conditions that show up most often in our communities have sleep woven through them in ways we were never told.

What We’re Doing Instead

Americans spend somewhere around eighty billion dollars a year on sleep aids. Pills, supplements, gadgets, apps, weighted blankets, specialty mattresses, and melatonin gummies in every flavor you can imagine. It’s a massive industry built on the promise that better sleep is something you can buy.

And yet the research on many of these products tells a more complicated story. Studies have linked regular sleeping pill use to a higher mortality rate, with some showing three to five times the risk, even at relatively low doses. One large study found that people taking sleep medications had significantly shorter life expectancies than those who didn’t, even when they were getting what should have been a healthy amount of sleep.

I’m not saying this to frighten anyone who’s currently using sleep aids. These are personal medical decisions that belong between you and your doctor. But it’s worth knowing that the solutions we’ve been sold aren’t always as safe as the packaging suggests, and the approaches that work often don’t come in a bottle at all.

A Different Way to Think About Sleep

There’s a form of therapy called Cognitive Behavioral Therapy for Insomnia (CBT-I) that has become the gold standard treatment for sleep problems. It’s essentially a way of retraining your relationship with sleep, and the principles behind it can be useful for anyone, not just people with diagnosed insomnia. And it doesn’t involve medication.

One of the core insights from CBT-I is something that sounds almost too simple: the harder you try to sleep, the worse it tends to go. Sleep isn’t a task you can muscle through. It doesn’t respond to effort the way most things in life do. If anything, effort tends to push sleep further away.

This is worth sitting with for a moment, because it runs counter to everything many of us have been taught about how to get results. You know the drill: work harder, push through and stay disciplined. That mindset might serve you well in a career, in school, in building something meaningful over time. But when you bring that same energy to sleep, you end up lying in bed with your jaw clenched, watching the clock, calculating how many hours you’ll get if you fall asleep right now. This, of course, makes falling asleep even harder.

Sleep comes when you stop chasing it. The body already knows what to do if you get out of its way. And for people who’ve spent their lives “achieving”, that shift can feel almost unnatural.

What This Means for 2026

The resolution I’m offering has less to do with hours or pillows and more to do with how you relate to rest in the first place.

Respect the bed. 

Your bed should be for sleep and intimacy, and not much else. When you start using it as a workspace, a scrolling zone, a place to ruminate about tomorrow’s problems, your brain stops associating it with rest. This is one of the simplest CBT-I principles, and it works because the body learns through repetition.

Stop performing sleep. 

If you’ve been lying awake for twenty or thirty minutes, get up. Do something quiet in low light until you feel sleepy, then go back. The worst thing you can do is stay in bed frustrated, because that frustration becomes the new association.

Trust the pressure. 

Your body knows how to sleep. It’s been doing it your whole life without instruction. When you stop overriding its signals (pushing through tiredness, using caffeine to mask fatigue, ignoring what your body is asking for), sleep tends to come more naturally.

These aren’t quick fixes. They take consistency and sometimes a few uncomfortable nights before things settle. But they address the actual problem rather than masking it.

The Bigger Ask

I said this was about 2026, and it is. But I want to zoom out for a moment, because individual resolutions can only go so far.

If the education around sleep has been missing from our communities for generations, then the fix has to be bigger than any one person deciding to take sleep seriously. The information needs to reach people in the places where real conversations already happen.

I’m talking about barbershops and beauty salons because these are places where health topics come up naturally, where trust is already established. I’m including churches and mosques, where community wellness has always been part of the mission. And fraternities and sororities, community health organizations, school PTAs, and employee wellness programs. The institutions that touch people’s lives.

What if 2026 was the year we started treating sleep like the health conversation it is? What if it got the same airtime as blood pressure and diabetes, and heart health, because the truth is, sleep is connected to all of them?

This is my challenge for the year. To anyone running a community organization, leading a congregation, hosting a wellness event, or simply having regular conversations with people who trust them: put sleep on the agenda. Bring it up, ask questions, and share what you know.

The medical schools didn’t teach it, and the healthcare system hasn’t prioritized it. So, the knowledge must travel through us instead.

A Small Way of Saying Something Large

Sleep won’t solve everything. I’ve never believed in silver bullets, and I’m not going to pretend that fixing your sleep will automatically fix your life. But I’ve been doing this work long enough to know that when sleep is off, everything else gets harder. The patience runs thinner, thinking gets cloudier, and the body feels heavier than it should.

Taking sleep seriously is a small way of saying something larger: that you’re worth taking care of. Rest belongs to you now, not after everything is done. It’s how you keep going, not what you earn after you are tired and depleted. Try resting so that you are never tired or depleted. 

2026 is here. And it belongs to the people who stop treating rest as optional.


Derek H. Suite, M.D., is a board-certified psychiatrist specializing in sleep, stress, and peak performance. He is the Founder and CEO of Full Circle Health, an Adjunct Clinical Professor at Columbia University, and host of the daily podcast The SuiteSpot. His forthcoming book explores sleep as the foundation of performance medicine.

The Quiet Class Divide Between River Towns and Inner Cities

January doesn’t burst in with fireworks.

It settles into the body.

It settles into how early you wake up. Into the reflex of checking the weather, then your phone, then your bank account, like instinct, not anxiety. Into the way “Happy New Year” texts feel sincere, but unfinished.

By January 2nd, some people are already tired.

Not because they lack hope.

Because they carry systems on their backs.

That’s where the divide lives. Not in speeches. In mornings.

In Westchester’s river towns, January mornings feel supported. Streets are cleared early. Snow is anticipated, not negotiated. School reopening communications are timely and clear. Heat works. Infrastructure does its job so quietly that people forget it’s even there. That’s when people think about goals. Growth. What they’re calling in this year.

Now bring that same morning to Yonkers, Mount Vernon, or New Rochelle.

Here, January starts with questions.

Is school actually open?

Did the bus route change again?

Did the street get plowed or are we maneuvering slush and guesswork?

Is the heat reliable… or borrowed time?

Coffee cools while families wait for answers that don’t arrive with urgency. Parents check group chats before official notices. Kids stand at bus stops longer than they should. By the time the day officially begins, January has already demanded flexibility, patience, and resilience.

Again.

Same county.

Same winter.

Different expectations of who will be supported and who will adapt.

We’re often told the New Year is about mindset. But mindset doesn’t override infrastructure. You can’t affirm your way past a broken boiler. Vision boards don’t salt streets. Optimism alone doesn’t stabilize housing or make school reopenings predictable.

And that’s why this January felt different because January 1st was historic.

Across New York, people gathered outside, coats zipped, breath visible, to witness leadership change hands.

In New York City, Zohran Mamdani has come to represent something many people had stopped expecting from governance: a willingness to name broken systems without pretending they’re accidental. Housing that never stabilized. Transit that never centered riders. Affordability that always felt postponed. Mamdani doesn’t represent a finished answer, he represents permission. Permission to believe that systems can be confronted instead of excused.

That kind of permission matters, even beyond city lines.

Here in Westchester, hope sits closer to the machinery. Ken Jenkins occupies the level of governance where budgets, infrastructure, and emergency response determine how winter is actually experienced. Where coordination or the lack of it, decides whether January optimism holds or collapses.

At the city level, that hope became visible place by place.

In White Plains, Justin Brash stepped into office with immediate accountability, not symbolic expectations, but daily ones. Streets. Schools. Responsiveness.

In Peekskill, history stood in public view when Vivian McKenzie was sworn in by Kathy Hochul. Not just a ceremonial moment, but a relational one, elders watching, families present, young people learning what leadership can look like up close.

Four leaders.

Four lanes of power.

One shared moment in time.

And still, January 2nd arrived.

Because symbolism does not automatically become relief.

It doesn’t warm apartments overnight.

It doesn’t modernize infrastructure by morning.

It doesn’t erase the reality that some communities are expected to adapt, while others are expected to be served.

So when people ask, “Why does a fresh start feel different depending on your ZIP code?” the answer isn’t personal, it’s structural.

Hope feels lighter where systems are reliable.

Hope feels guarded where people have learned to plan for gaps.

Hope behaves differently when it’s backed by consistency instead of intention.

This isn’t cynicism.

It’s awareness and awareness is power.

Because naming the divide doesn’t weaken us. It clarifies where pressure belongs. A reset isn’t just emotional, it’s logistical. It’s whether families can plan without contingency stacked on contingency. It’s whether winter feels manageable or menacing.

So if your New Year didn’t feel light, if it felt measured, cautious, or tight in the chest, you’re not failing at optimism.

You’re reading your environment accurately.

January 1st made history.

January 2nd tested whether that history knows how to move.

And the real empowerment comes from this truth:

People are no longer confusing patience with progress.

Readers don’t need miracles.

They need systems that respect their mornings.

And once you can see that clearly, you can’t unsee it, and that’s where real power begins.

Community Reminder

This column was created with one purpose: to empower our community.

And when we say community, we mean come together.

We mean sharing information, naming patterns, and building understanding across neighborhoods, so no one is left carrying these realities alone.

This is not about blame.

It’s about clarity.

Because when we are informed, we are aligned. And when we are aligned, we are better positioned to impact our communities in ways that are meaningful, practical, and lasting.

Unity doesn’t require sameness; it requires shared truth.

And shared truth is how real change begins.

PBP Radio Jan. 4, 2026 – When The System Turns on Us” Politics, Policing & Unanswered Deaths

Black Westchester presents the People Before Politics Radio Show with Damon K. JonesAJ Woodson & Larnez Kinsey. Tonight, we’re bringing you a powerful and necessary conversation with two important voices shaping our community’s present and future.

Join Damon K. Jones, AJ Woodson, and Larnez Kinsey tonight as we bring you not just news, but context, accountability, and community-centered analysis you can’t get anywhere else.

LIVE from 6 PM to 8 PM on YouTube, Facebook, LinkedIn, and X powered by Black Westchester Magazine.

As always, you can follow Black Westchester on TwitterFacebookInstagram and LinkedIn 

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If you want to support Black Westchester Magazine and People Before Politics Radio you can always donate https://www.paypal.com/donate/?hosted_button_id=9DT5P8R82NAHW

HOW U.S. FOREIGN POLICY LOST ITS INDEPENDENCE

Foreign policy is not judged by intentions or alliances, but by outcomes. When those outcomes include expanding conflicts, legal exposure, diplomatic isolation, and rising costs to American taxpayers, the issue is no longer ideological. It is practical.

Over the last decade—accelerated under Donald Trump—American foreign policy increasingly aligned itself with the strategic priorities of Benjamin Netanyahu and his governing coalition. This alignment did not arise from open congressional debate or public mandate. It emerged through silence, incentives, and political risk avoidance.

The consequences are most visible in Palestine. The United States abandoned even the appearance of acting as a neutral intermediary. Palestinian statehood was removed from serious diplomatic consideration, while Israeli military operations in Gaza continued amid unprecedented international scrutiny. The International Court of Justice issued provisional measures, warning of a humanitarian catastrophe and directing Israel to take steps to prevent prohibited acts and to allow aid. Whether one accepts the claims or not, Israel’s conduct moved from political dispute into formal legal review.

That scrutiny deepened in November 2024, when the International Criminal Court issued arrest warrants for Netanyahu and Israel’s former defense minister, alleging war crimes and crimes against humanity. An arrest warrant is not a conviction, but it is not symbolic. It carries legal and diplomatic consequences that affect not only Israel but also the United States, which continues to provide political and military backing.

What is often overlooked is that this agenda does not stop at Israel’s borders.

In January 2026, Israel publicly applauded a U.S. military operation to seize Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro. Israel’s foreign minister hailed the operation as an act of “historic leadership,” expressed hope for renewed Israeli-Venezuelan relations, and framed the intervention as a blow against an alleged global “axis of terror.” Netanyahu himself praised Trump’s leadership while conspicuously avoiding mention of the operation by name.

This episode matters not because of one Latin American government, but because it reveals a pattern where Israel’s strategic priorities increasingly influence American military posture far beyond the Middle East, as seen in Venezuela’s reemergence in Israeli rhetoric after U.S. intervention.

Venezuela’s VP: Maduro’s capture has ‘Zionist tint’

On Sunday, Rodriguez claimed that the operation to arrest Maduro had a “Zionist tint.”

“The governments of the world are simply shocked that it is the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela which is the victim and subject of an attack of this nature, which has, without a doubt, a Zionist tint,” said Rodriguez in a televised speech, according to the Mexican public broadcaster.

She added that “the extremists who have promoted armed aggression against our country — history and justice will make them pay.”

Senior Israeli officials openly tied Maduro’s removal to Iran and Hezbollah, portraying Venezuela as part of a global enemy network. Opposition leaders and cabinet ministers framed the operation as a warning to Tehran. In other words, a U.S. military action in South America was immediately folded into Israel’s regional security narrative.

This expansion is not theoretical. Netanyahu’s agenda has widened the conflict across multiple theaters. Tensions with Iran escalated from proxy engagement to confrontation. Israeli strikes in Syria intensified. Hostilities with Hezbollah in Lebanon expanded. Iranian-aligned groups in Iraq and Yemen widened attacks, threatening shipping lanes and drawing U.S. forces into sustained deployments. What was framed as deterrence produced predictable spillover: more fronts, more instability, and greater American exposure.

The contradictions become sharper when moral rhetoric is examined. Netanyahu’s sudden concern for persecuted Christians in Nigeria rings hollow when measured against Israel’s actions in Palestine. Framing Israel as a defender of Christians abroad functions less as a humanitarian concern and more as political branding. In Gaza and the West Bank, Christian Palestinians—among the oldest continuous Christian communities in the world—have been killed, displaced, and stripped of protections alongside their Muslim neighbors. Churches have been damaged, communities uprooted, and civilians killed under policies that Netanyahu oversees. One cannot credibly claim to defend Christians abroad while enabling military actions that devastate Christian communities at home.

The financial cost of this alignment is measurable because American taxpayers are committed to roughly $38 billion in military aid to Israel under the current ten-year agreement, with tens of billions more authorized since the Gaza war escalated. This diverts resources from domestic priorities and increases the financial burden on American citizens.

Congress’s bipartisan silence should alarm the audience, as avoiding scrutiny due to incentives weakens oversight and national integrity.

Strength is rooted in independence. A nation that can reassess commitments and prioritize its own citizens’ interests empowers itself and leads more effectively.

The long-term consequences are already visible. America’s credibility as an independent actor has eroded. Its exposure to regional and global conflict has increased. And its foreign policy has become increasingly reactive—shaped less by national interest than by external agendas and domestic political incentives.

This requires no speculation about motives. Incentives are sufficient. When dissent is punished and compliance rewarded, outcomes follow.

Foreign policy driven by silence is not leadership. It is abdication. And a nation that abdicates strategic independence should not be surprised when it is asked to pay—in money, credibility, and eventually lives—for wars it did not choose.

Was the Seizure of Nicolás Maduro Legal — and What It Means for U.S.–Caribbean Relations

The reported seizure of Nicolás Maduro by the United States is more than a dramatic geopolitical moment. It is a test of international law, American restraint, and regional trust. Whether one views Maduro as a criminal, an authoritarian, or an illegitimate ruler is not the central issue. The larger question is whether global rules still matter when the power exists to circumvent them.

The United States has argued that Maduro was lawfully taken into custody based on longstanding federal indictments alleging narcotics trafficking and terrorism. From a domestic legal standpoint, U.S. officials can claim they acted to bring a criminal defendant before an American court. That argument, however, only answers a narrow question. Domestic law does not govern the international system, and international legality cannot be substituted with national authority.

Under widely recognized principles of sovereignty and non-intervention, the forcible seizure of a sitting head of state from within his own country, absent extradition, consent, or multilateral authorization, occupies highly contested legal ground. International law exists precisely to restrain such actions, especially when they are carried out unilaterally. The individual’s popularity or unpopularity does not alter the rule. Law is meant to be applied when restraint is hardest, not when it is easiest.

This distinction matters because legality and capability are distinct. The United States has the power to carry out such an operation. The unresolved question is whether that power was exercised in a way that strengthens or weakens the international system it claims to defend.

The consequences of this action extend well beyond Venezuela. Across the Caribbean and Latin America, the reaction is shaped less by sympathy for Maduro and more by concern over precedent. Many nations in the region have long memories of intervention carried out in the name of order, democracy, or security. When a powerful state removes a foreign leader without multilateral process, smaller states do not see justice being served; they see norms being rewritten.

For Caribbean governments, sovereignty is not an abstract principle. It is a form of protection. Regional bodies such as CARICOM have consistently emphasized diplomacy, negotiated solutions, and non-intervention precisely because stability depends on predictability. When rules appear optional for the powerful, trust erodes for everyone else.

Supporters of the operation may argue that removing Maduro accelerates political change, disrupts criminal networks, or advances democratic outcomes. These claims speak to intent, not consequence. Foreign policy failures are often rooted in the belief that good intentions can substitute for sustainable outcomes. History suggests otherwise.

The likely effects of this seizure include increased skepticism toward U.S. leadership, greater caution among regional partners, and a renewed incentive for rival powers to justify similar actions under the same logic. Once the principle is established that unilateral force is acceptable when moral certainty is claimed, it becomes difficult to object when others adopt the same standard.

Caribbean nations, in particular, must evaluate this event through a practical lens. Instability in Venezuela can increase migration pressures, strain regional resources, disrupt trade, and complicate energy markets. These countries do not benefit from spectacle. They benefit from order, predictability, and law that applies evenly.

Power, however, has a way of obscuring this reality. The United States had alternatives available, including multilateral legal mechanisms, international warrants, regional diplomacy, and negotiated political transitions. Choosing force over process may produce a short-term sense of resolution, but it introduces long-term uncertainty. It signals that outcomes justify methods, a principle that rarely remains contained.

This moment is therefore not primarily about Nicolás Maduro. It is about the future of international norms. When rules are enforced selectively, they weaken universally. When sovereignty is overridden without consensus, it becomes conditional rather than foundational.

The true cost of this action may not appear immediately. It will surface gradually in strained alliances, diminished credibility, and a regional order that becomes more cautious, more fragmented, and less cooperative. Those costs do not dominate headlines, but they shape history.

In international affairs, restraint is often mistaken for weakness. In reality, it is restraint that preserves legitimacy. And legitimacy, once lost, is far harder to recover than power ever is.

Kenneth W. Jenkins Sworn In as Westchester County Executive, Marking Historic Firsts for County and State

Purchase, NY — Kenneth W. Jenkins was officially sworn in as Westchester County Executive during an Inauguration Ceremony held at Purchase College, marking the start of a new three-year term in office and a historic milestone for both Westchester County and New York State.

With his inauguration, Jenkins broke the glass ceiling as the first Black County Executive in Westchester County’s history. He is also the only Black County Executive currently serving in New York State, underscoring the significance of the moment in a state with 62 counties and a long history of limited diversity in county-level executive leadership.

The ceremony reflected both continuity and transition, celebrating Jenkins’ leadership over the past year while setting the stage for the work ahead. Family members, elected officials, community leaders, and residents gathered to witness the event, underscoring its civic importance and historical significance.

Jenkins took the oath of office administered by the Honorable Anne E. Minihan, pledging to uphold the Constitution of the United States, the Constitution of the State of New York, and the Charter of Westchester County.

In his inaugural remarks, Jenkins emphasized a leadership philosophy grounded in accountability, responsiveness, and results.

“In my first year as County Executive, I’ve been guided by a simple principle: leadership that listens, acts, and delivers for the people of Westchester County,” CE Jenkins said. “We’ve strengthened our financial footing, invested in housing and infrastructure, expanded educational and economic opportunities, and made real progress on public safety — all while staying true to the values that unite us.”

Black Westchester’s Jailyn Gardner caught up to CE Jenkins to talk about his first order of business…

He framed the new term as a continuation of that approach while signaling a forward-looking agenda.

“This is just the beginning,” Jenkins added. “Together, we will continue to build a Westchester where opportunity is real, government is responsive, and every community thrives. We’ve proven that responsible leadership works.”

As Jenkins begins his historic term, the administration is expected to focus on maintaining fiscal stability, accelerating housing development, improving infrastructure, and ensuring that economic growth and public safety initiatives benefit every community across Westchester County.

The NYC COPA Law and the Cost of Restricting Black Homeownership in New York City

The New York City Council has now passed the Community Opportunity to Purchase Act, commonly known as the NYC COPA Law. What was once debated as a proposal is now a binding policy. As with any law passed in the name of protection, the objective measure of its value will not be its intentions, but its consequences.

The NYC COPA Law applies to multifamily buildings with three or more residential units. When an owner of such a property decides to sell, the transaction no longer begins in the open market. Instead, the owner must first notify the City and allow designated nonprofit entities to purchase the property before it can be freely sold to private buyers. Supporters frame this as an anti-displacement measure. But policies should be evaluated by how they alter behavior, not by the language used to defend them.

The NYC COPA Law fundamentally alters the meaning of ownership for Black New Yorkers who own small multifamily homes because it threatens their ability to build generational wealth. These properties have long served as one of the few reliable pathways into the Black middle class in New York City. Three-family homes, in particular, are often owner-occupied, family-managed, and held not as speculative investments, but as sources of stability. They have paid medical bills, funded retirements, supported education, and allowed families to remain in neighborhoods where rising rents would otherwise have forced them out. This law risks undermining that critical pathway to economic mobility for Black families.

By setting the threshold at three units, the NYC COPA Law does not simply regulate large landlords or corporate investors. It reaches directly into the segment of the market where ownership is most fragile and where owners are least equipped to absorb delays, uncertainty, and legal complexity. These are not institutional actors with legal departments and capital reserves. They are working families whose equity is often their primary financial cushion.

The consequences extend beyond current owners. The highest long-term cost of COPA lies in its impact on entry.

For decades, the traditional starting point for Black real-estate entrepreneurship in New York City was the small multifamily property. Young buyers would purchase a three-family home, live in one unit, rent the others, and gradually build credit, cash flow, and practical experience. This pathway did not require venture capital, political connections, or large-scale financing. It required discipline, risk tolerance, and ownership.

COPA disrupts that ladder. By granting nonprofits and designated entities the first opportunity to purchase qualifying buildings, the law sidelines first-time buyers, small business owners, and young Black entrepreneurs seeking to enter real estate at a scale they can realistically afford. These buyers are not speculators. They are the next generation of Black owners, managers, and developers. When policy blocks the entry point, it does not eliminate speculation. It eliminates participation, especially for Black entrepreneurs who rely on this pathway to build wealth and community stability.

Over time, the outcome is predictable. Fewer Black New Yorkers will own income-producing property. Fewer will gain hands-on experience in asset management. More housing will be consolidated under institutions that collect rent but do not build local wealth. A market that restricts ownership at the starter level does not preserve opportunity. It narrows it.

The NYC COPA Law also shifts control of housing toward nonprofit entities and land trusts. While many of these organizations perform essential work, they are not neutral actors. They are often externally funded, politically connected, and insulated from the accountability that comes with private ownership. Each building removed from the private market is one fewer opportunity for a family to own, manage, and eventually pass down an asset. This shift could limit Black families’ ability to participate directly in ownership and wealth-building.

Perhaps most revealing is the logic underlying the policy itself. COPA treats Black-owned property not as a private asset, but as a public instrument whose transfer must be supervised. Owners are told that their right to sell freely must be constrained because their equity might disrupt someone else’s stability. This logic is rarely applied in affluent neighborhoods or high-value enclaves. It is used where ownership has only recently been achieved.

If displacement is the problem, its causes are well known. Zoning restrictions, tax policy, capital concentration, and decades of planning decisions that limited supply while increasing demand have driven housing instability. COPA addresses none of these structural drivers. Instead, it intervenes after equity has already been built, regulating how and to whom Black owners may sell.

Policies that interfere with ownership without expanding opportunity rarely create new wealth. They redistribute control. History suggests that when ownership becomes conditional, it is not the most powerful who bear the cost.

The NYC COPA Law is now in effect. Its consequences will not be measured in press conferences or policy memos, but in the quiet decisions of families who choose not to buy, not to sell, or not to try at all.

A city serious about equity would widen the path to ownership, not narrow it. It would recognize that protecting communities means protecting their ability to own, build, and exit on fair terms. Policies should aim to create more opportunities for Black families to participate in the market, fostering hope and empowerment rather than restriction and disempowerment.

Albany Defense Lawyer Jasper Mills Indicted For Witness Tampering by AG Tish James

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Jasper Mills Charged for Releasing Confidential Information on Cooperating Witness, Resulting in Death Threats and a Slashing

New York Attorney General Letitia James and New York State Police Superintendent Steven G. James announced the arrest and indictment of Jasper Mills, a criminal defense attorney who unlawfully shared confidential witness information in a homicide trial, which ultimately led to a cooperating witness being threatened and attacked in a federal prison. Mills, a former Albany County prosecutor, was indicted for violating an Albany County protective order, which prohibited him from providing any copies of discovery material that listed witness names, including a sensitive list naming two cooperating witnesses. Shortly after Mills shared the sensitive witness list, a cooperating witness was threatened in federal prison and later slashed with a knife, which required a hospital stay for his wounds. Mills was charged with five crimes, including Intimidating a Witness and Tampering with a Witness, and was arraigned today in Albany County Court.

Jasper Mills, a criminal defense attorney, faces five charges, including intimidating a witness and tampering with a witness, after allegedly violating a court protective order by sharing a sensitive witness list in a gang-related homicide case. Attorney General Letitia James and New York State Police Superintendent Steven G. James announced the indictment on Tuesday. (see full indictment below)

New York v Jasper Mills Indictment Indictments 2025 by BLACK WESTCHESTER MAGAZINE

“Witness intimidation corrupts our justice system and prevents victims of crimes from getting justice with a fair trial,” said AG James. “Jasper Mills allegedly shared witness information that put lives in danger, and my office will hold him accountable. I will not tolerate any illegal tactics that jeopardize criminal investigations and put New Yorkers at risk.” 

“This investigation underscores our commitment to protecting witnesses and holding individuals accountable when their actions jeopardize public safety and the justice system,” said Superintendent James.

Mills represented Vramir Branch, one of four defendants charged in the January 2021 gang-related murder of 32-year-old Shanita Thomas. Judge Roger McDonough issued a protective order on Oct. 27, 2022, specifically prohibiting Mills from providing his client any documents containing witness names or personal information.

On June 3, 2024, the judge ordered prosecutors to provide a witness list naming two cooperating witnesses to the defense attorneys. That night, an assistant district attorney emailed the list to all defense attorneys with a reminder that protective orders prohibited sharing copies with their clients.

Two days later, on June 5, 2024, a cooperating witness incarcerated at FCI Ray Brook in Lake Placid was approached by several armed inmates who threatened to kill him unless he left their housing unit. The attackers told him they knew he had “turned state witness.” The witness fled to a correction lieutenant’s office and was moved to protective custody.

An investigation uncovered that a witness list that contained Mills’ distinctive markings was released on social media, including Snapchat. A second copy of the witness list that also contained Mills’ distinctive markings was circulated via text message. However, the protective order barring Mills from providing any hard copies of the discovery was still in effect.

On September 8, 2024, the cooperating witness was attacked again while in protective custody. The attackers stated they knew the cooperator was a witness and the cooperator was slashed on the wrist with a prison shiv, which required hospitalization due to infection.

In addition to the witness list that was circulating on social media, Mills delivered a hard drive with other information on it to Branch at Albany County Correctional Facility on April 8, 2024. The hard drive contained multiple documents that Mills was prohibited from providing to his client, including the names and quotes from various eyewitnesses to the Shanita Thomas homicide that were used for various search warrant affidavits.

Mills is charged with Criminal Contempt in the Second Degree, Intimidating a Witness in the First Degree, Intimidating a Witness in the Second Degree, Tampering with a Witness in the First Degree, and Tampering with a Witness in the Second Degree. If convicted, he faces a maximum sentence of eight and one-third to twenty-five years in jail.

Mills was arraigned on Tuesday, December 30th, in Albany Supreme Court. The charges in the indictments are merely allegations, and the defendant is presumed innocent unless and until proven guilty in a court of law.

The investigation was conducted by the New York State Police.

The prosecution is being handled by Senior Counsel Mary Gorman and Assistant Attorney General Nicholas Kyriacou, under the supervision of Public Integrity Bureau Chief Gerard Murphy, with assistance from Legal Support Analyst Samantha Shaughnessy. The Public Integrity Bureau is part of the Division for Criminal Justice. The Division for Criminal Justice is led by Chief Deputy Attorney General José Maldonado and overseen by First Deputy Attorney General Jennifer Levy.

No Tax on Tips? Let’s Talk About No Tax on Survival Wages

Every year, New York publishes salaries like receipts without context.

Big numbers.

Bold headlines.

No hours attached.

Civil servants. Restaurant workers. Nurses. Bartenders. Corrections officers. The public sees six figures and assumes comfort. What they don’t see is the math or the body count of burnout it takes to get there.

Here’s the reality.

I’m a civil service worker.

My base salary is $79,000.

With overtime because the system is chronically understaffed, I make around $150,000 before taxes.

That number gets printed like a flex.

What doesn’t get printed is that overtime accounts for nearly 30–40% of income for many frontline public employees in New York, according to state labor and payroll analyses. That means the state doesn’t just allow overtime, it depends on it to keep facilities open, safe, and compliant.

And every time I walk through those doors, I’m prepared to give 16 hours. Not occasionally. Every time.

That’s not ambition.

That’s contingency staffing.

Now let’s talk taxes because this is where the squeeze becomes intentional.

In New York:

  • Combined federal, state, and payroll taxes can take 35–45% of overtime earnings
  • Overtime is taxed at the same marginal rate as base income, even though it comes from extended labor, not salary privilege
  • Tips are treated as fully taxable earned income, despite being unstable, unpredictable, and dependent on customer behavior, not employer wages

Translation:

Labor beyond capacity is taxed as if it were excess.

So when restaurant workers say, “If we weren’t taxed on our tips, we could save, breathe, maybe skip that extra shift,” that’s not entitlement, it’s economics.

According to the U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics:

  • 70% of tipped workers live paycheck to paycheck
  • The median hourly wage for tipped workers (before tips) remains well below a living wage
  • Over 60% of service workers take extra shifts solely to offset taxes and deductions, not to increase quality of life

Different uniforms.

Same trap.

Yet Kathy Hochul and Albany lawmakers have refused to extend the federal “no tax on tips” policy to state income taxes, while still branding themselves as champions of affordability.

Let’s be honest.

This isn’t about loving Donald Trump.

This is about acknowledging that a policy that reduces pressure on working people works, regardless of who proposed it.

Refusing to adopt it doesn’t protect values.

It protects optics.

And here’s the part civil servants understand better than anyone:

The state budgets for our overtime.

Schedules around our overtime.

Counts on our overtime during crises.

Then taxes it like we’re living lavishly and publishes the gross number without context, turning the public against the very workers holding the system together.

That $150,000 headline number?

  • doesn’t include the forced doubles
  • doesn’t include the missed holidays
  • doesn’t include the trauma exposure
  • doesn’t include the shortened lifespan studies now associate with chronic overtime work

Yes, studies show workers regularly clocking extended shifts face higher rates of cardiovascular disease, anxiety disorders, sleep disruption, and early burnout. That income isn’t wealth. It’s a health tradeoff.

So no, this conversation isn’t about tips versus salaries.

It’s about a state that runs on excess labor and then penalizes people for providing it.

You cannot tax survival wages like luxury income and still claim to support working families.

You cannot preach affordability while extracting breath from the people keeping the lights on.

Affordability is not a slogan.

It’s not a press release.

It’s whether people can work without being punished for surviving.

And if New York keeps confusing sacrifice for excess, the real cost won’t show up on a paycheck.

It’ll show up in burnout.

In staffing shortages.

In public systems cracking under the weight of workers who finally decide they’ve given enough.

That’s not political.

That’s arithmetic.

Reference Link:

https://nypost.com/2025/12/26/us-news/hochul-wont-serve-up-trumps-no-tax-on-tips-policy-ticking-off-ny-restaurant-workers

Bye Bye MetroCard, Hello OMNY – Countywide Rollout of Contactless Fare Payment System Begins Jan 4, 2026

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WESTCHESTER COUNTY PREPARES FOR OMNY ROLLOUT WITH FULL BEE-LINE INSTALLATION

New Fare Technology Will Speed Boarding and Expand Payment Options for Riders


Westchester County Executive Ken Jenkins toured the Bee-Line Bus garage in Valhalla to view newly installed OMNY fare scanners on the Bee-Line fleet. The visit marked a major milestone ahead of the official County-wide launch of OMNY (One Metro New York) on January 4, 2026, at 5 a.m., when the Bee-Line bus system will fully adopt the Metropolitan Transportation Authority’s (MTA) contactless fare payment system.

Beginning January 4, Bee-Line fares will also be adjusted to align with MTA’s new fare rates. The changes include a 25-cent increase to the base and on-board cash fare, a 15-cent increase for reduced fares for seniors and people with disabilities, and a separate adjustment for the BxM4C express route. Aligning fares allows Bee-Line riders to continue receiving free transfers between Bee-Line buses and MTA subways and buses and to benefit from the seven-day OMNY fare cap of $35 for unlimited trips, excluding the BxM4C. The fare cap for reduced-fare riders is $17.50.

“Westchester deserves a transportation system that works the way people live today. Installing OMNY across our entire Bee-Line fleet is about making transit easier, faster, and more reliable for riders while ensuring access for everyone. This is a smart investment in modern public transportation that strengthens mobility across our County,” CE Jenkins shared with Black Westchester.

Joining the MTA, Beeline buses are replacing the MetroCard that was first tested in the system in 1993, debuting to the larger public in January 1994 with a pay and go system where you can pay your fare with credit or debit cards as Visa, Mastercard, American Express, and Discover, as well as digital wallets such as Apple Pay, Google Pay, Samsung Pay, and Fitbit Pay. The last day to buy or refill a MetroCard is Wednesday, but the cards will be accepted into mid-2026. The final acceptance date is yet to be announced. 

Liberty Lines Transit President Thomas Murphy said, “Our staff has worked closely with the County to support the installation and launch of OMNY for Bee-Line riders. The new fare payment option is designed to enhance convenience and modernize the boarding process, contributing to an improved overall payment options and experience for the many customers who rely on the Bee-Line system each day.”

Department of Public Works and Transportation Commissioner Hugh Greechan said: “This was a fleet-wide effort that required coordination, testing, and hands-on work across all Bee-Line buses. Our team worked closely with Liberty Lines to install the OMNY equipment efficiently and safely so riders can benefit from a modern fare system starting day one.”

Department of Planning Commissioner Blanca Lopez said: “The Department of Planning played a key role in coordinating logistics of the OMNY rollout, including work on the back-end databases critical to OMNY operations on Bee-Line, integration with the system’s on-board technology, and coordination of program timing and public outreach.  OMNY brings Westchester in line with transit systems across the region and helps ensure riders have access to a simple, consistent fare payment experience.”

While OMNY officially launches on January 4 at 5 a.m., riders may continue using MetroCards on Bee-Line buses as long as the cards are not expired. MetroCard sales will end on December 31, 2025, and cards will no longer be reloadable after that date. Riders may transfer remaining MetroCard balances to OMNY cards through the OMNY Mobile Sales Van, which continues to visit locations across Westchester.

For riders who use weekly or monthly MetroCards, those cards must be activated by January 31, 2026, in order to be valid. Passengers can purchase OMNY cards at select retail locations. To find the nearest store that carries OMNY cards, visit: https://omny.info/retail-locations.

The Mount Vernon School District (MVCSD) uses the Bee-Line Bus System for student transport, and these buses accept OMNY tap-to-pay (contactless cards/phones) for fare payment, but also offer special passes for students (like free passes for middle/high schoolers), with details found on the Westchester County Transportation site, making it easy to ride by tapping your card/phone or using specific student/reduced fare options on the county’s Bee-Line buses. 

The district provides subsidized or free passes for students (e.g., middle/high schoolers get an annual pass), often requiring sign-up through links or QR codes. Check the MVCSD’s Instagram or website for specific student pass enrollment info. 

When the MetroCard replaced the New York City subway token in 1994, the swipeable plastic card infused much-needed modernity into one of the world’s oldest and largest transit systems. Now, more than three decades later, the gold-hued fare card and its notoriously finicky magnetic strip are following the token into retirement.

OMNY cards are accepted on MTA buses, subways, Staten Island Railway, Roosevelt Island Tram, Hudson Rail Link, and AirTrain-Howard Beach, and AirTrain Jamaica stations, and now on Beeline buses in Westchester County. Riders can also register for an OMNY account online, link their card and set up automatic reloads, according to OMNY’s website.

In addition to OMNY, riders can continue paying with coins on Bee-Line buses. This ensures flexibility and continued access for those who prefer using cash fare. For more information on the OMNY rollout in Westchester County, visit http://www.westchestergov.com/beelinebus or call the Bee-Line customer service center at (914) 813-7777.